JAPAN-CHINA JOINT HISTORY COMMISSION TRYING TO

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 TOKYO 000308

SIPDIS

FOR EAP/J

E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/09/2019
TAGS: PREL PGOV JA CH
SUBJECT: JAPAN-CHINA JOINT HISTORY COMMISSION TRYING TO
OVERCOME DELAYS

TOKYO 00000308 001.2 OF 003


Classified By: CDA James P. Zumwalt for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d)


1. (C) SUMMARY The Japan-China Joint Historical Research
Committee, formed in October 2006, is aiming for a March 2009
release of its long awaited report, despite last-minute
Chinese misgivings about language contained therein. The
Committee initially sought to complete the project by Summer
2008 but had to delay its release after the Chinese side
voiced preferences for a more "cautious" treatment of certain
unspecified historical events. Japan's Committee chair,
Shinichi Kitaoka, would not elaborate on the points of
contention when he met Embassy political officers February 2
but raised suspicions about the influence of Chinese
nationalism and the role of the Chinese Government in the
supposedly independent research entity. The goal of the
Committee remains the same: To develop an objective
understanding of events between Japan and China and to foster
mutual understanding even if both sides ultimately "agree to
disagree" on their interpretations of history. Providing his
perspective on overall Japan-China relations, our
interlocutor said that Japan must be more proactive on
security policy issues. He also noted that members of
Japan's main opposition party, the Democratic Party of Japan,
are split between supporters of the PRC and those of Taiwan.
END SUMMARY


2. (C) Japan and China agreed in October 2006 to establish
the Japan-China Joint Historical Research Committee with the
aim of developing an objective understanding about the
history between Japan and China. The Committee, which
consists of ten prominent academics and other representatives
from Japan and the PRC, has met as a whole three times since
December 2006; the most recent Committee meeting was January

2008. Tokyo University professor and Japanese Committee
chair Shinichi Kitaoka has met his direct Chinese counterpart
frequently since then. The Committee will produce a
two-volume report containing Japanese and Chinese
explanations of the same discrete historical periods. The
first volume will include eight chapters -- eight essays from
each country -- on ancient history. The second volume will
comprise nine chapters -- nine essays from each side -- on
modern history. The publication will close with summaries
and appendices on differences in historical interpretation.



3. (C) Chinese concerns about language have delayed
publication until this March, Kitaoka told Embassy Tokyo
February 2. The Committee had originally hoped to publish
the report "quietly" in summer 2008 during the 30th
anniversary of the normalization of relations and just before
the Beijing Olympics. The Committee had seemed to be heading
in that direction, but Chinese counterparts in July 2008
wanted to "change the plan," claimed Kitaoka. The PRC is
"okay" with the general outcome of the research but is
expressing dissatisfaction with language. Although Kitaoka
demurred on specifics, he hinted that Japanese descriptions
of modern history remain a sticking point with the Chinese
side. Chinese participants prefer wording that is more
moderate and "cautious." Although both sides left open the
possibility of adjusting language to retain the meaning of
the events in question, Kitaoka stressed that the sudden
change was "one-sided" and was a "breach of promise." Japan,
for its part, made no such demands. "History is history,
after all," Kitaoka noted.


4. (C) Both sides are also trying to overcome additional
sticking points. Kitoaka said that Chinese panelists had
initially been reluctant to include post-World War II history
in the project's scope because they wanted to avoid domestic
Chinese political discussions. However, the Japanese
academics successfully argued that inclusion of domestic
political events, such as the Tiananmen Square incident in
1989, was critical to the credibility of the report. The

TOKYO 00000308 002.2 OF 003


Japanese have pressed to include postwar history in the
second volume because the country's peaceful development and
economic recovery over the past 60 years are necessary
counterpoints to the country's wartime and pre-war history,
asserted Kitaoka.


5. (C) Chinese nationalism seems to be the root cause of the
delay, Kitaoka continued. He expressed uncertainty about the
provenance of the Chinese academics -- many of whom are "not
professional historians" -- and noted that they are in the
difficult position of having to take orders from Beijing.
Kitaoka admitted that Chinese opinion and "nationalistic"
sentiment are more "volatile" than he had expected and are
difficult to manage. The same strain of nationalism has
slowed discussions on joint research and development in the
East China Sea since Chinese President Hu Jintao's visit to
Japan in May 2008 and is a potential brake on joint disaster
prevention efforts, particularly discussions on the role and
involvement of Japan's Self Defense Forces, he explained.
Lack of confidence among Chinese leaders and the absence of
democracy feed such tendencies, he added.


6. (C) Although frustrated, Kitaoka's team is guardedly
optimistic. The Committee is aiming for "compromise" and to
"shrink the gaps." The differences between the two parties
are actually not too big, and both sides can ultimately
"agree to disagree." Kitaoka, however, appeared clearly
exasperated and said that he was "fed up" with the latest
delays as his Chinese counterparts await final instructions
from Beijing.

--------------
KITAOKA ON SECURITY AND FOREIGN POLICY
--------------


7. (C) Speaking less as an historian and more as a
politically engaged intellectual, Kitaoka stressed that Japan
has some "catching up" to do and that national leaders must
do their security "homework." The sudden resignation of then
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe in 2007 slowed momentum on
security-related issues such as creating a U.S.-like National
Security Council, one of Kitaoka's pet issues aimed toward
streamlining Japan's executive decisionmaking structure.
Japan must overcome its information stovepiping and
bureaucratic rivalries that plague the policymaking process
and start making bold decisions, he declared.


8. (C) Japan should play to its traditional policy strengths
-- economic assistance to Africa, and climate change issues
-- Kitaoka argued. "Cosmetic policies" matter little,
Kitaoka noted; it is time to consider more robust
initiatives, such as current efforts to send Japanese
anti-piracy assets to the Horn of Africa (HOA). Beijing's
relatively quick HOA dispatch as well as the recent
announcement on intentions to build two aircraft carriers
serve to augment China's blue-water navy capabilities,
Kitaoka asserted. China is trying to prove that it can be a
"responsible stakeholder." These ambitions, however, provide
little insight into China's "grand strategy" and still leave
China observers wondering about Beijing's true intentions.


9. (C) Touching on China views among opposition Democratic
Party of Japan (DPJ) members, Kitaoka said that most DPJ
politicians are "pro-China," but the party includes many
notable Taiwan supporters, such as female Diet member and
ethnic Chinese Ren Ho and former party President Seiji
Maehara. We are seeing "strange" policy comments from the
DPJ now, but the party will probably adopt more practical
positions if it assumes power after a Lower House election.
The wildcard remains current party President Ichiro Ozawa,
who is widely viewed within the party as a friend of China.



TOKYO 00000308 003.2 OF 003



ZUMWALT