DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 05/27/09

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SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 05/27/09

INDEX:
(1) First party leaders' debate between Prime Minister Aso, DPJ
President Hatoyama: Heated exchanges on change of government
(Yomiuri)

(2) Power struggle continues in the DPJ (Asahi)

(3) Amendment to Ministry of Defense Establishment Law passes Diet;
Post of special advisor to defense minister established (Yomiuri)

(4) President Obama picks Roos as ambassador to Japan, probably
taking election contributions into consideration (Sankei)

(5) Interview with U.S. Ambassador to APEC Haslach: 2010 summit will
look into trade liberalization within region, new goal (Nikkei)

(6) North Korea's nuclear test a blow to nuclear inequality that
allows only five powers to possess nuclear weapons (Asahi)

(7) Behind the scenes of the crisis - North Korea's nuclear test
(Part 1): Predominance of military over party in consolidation of
the regime (Mainichi)

(8) TOP HEADLINES

(9) EDITORIALS

(10) Prime Minister's schedule, May 26 (Nikkei)

ARTICLES:

(1) First party leaders' debate between Prime Minister Aso, DPJ
President Hatoyama: Heated exchanges on change of government

YOMIURI ONLINE (Full)
15:32, May 27, 2009

The first party leaders' debate between Prime Minister Taro Aso and
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama was held at
the Diet on May 27.

To Aso's criticism that "a change of government is a means and not
the end," Hatoyama retorted with: "Of course, a change of government
is not the end; it is the starting line."

Replying to Hatoyama's question about whether "the United States
gave advance notice" about North Korea's nuclear test, Aso said: "It
is a fact that the U.S. informed us at an early stage," but he also
stated: "We do not discuss this kind of subject."

This was the first party leaders' debate since last November, when
then President Ichiro Ozawa represented the DPJ.

(2) Power struggle continues in the DPJ

ASAHI (Page 4) (Full)
May 27, 2009

With the turnover of the president in the Democratic Party of Japan
(DPJ),moves toward the realignment of groups have begun. While
supporters of the new president Yukio Hatoyama and Deputy President
Ichiro Ozawa are hastily consolidating forces, forces that supported

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Secretary General Katsuya Okada during the presidential election are
looking at the possibility of forming a loose alliance across group
borders. Political maneuvering in anticipation of the
"post-Hatoyama" era and a "generational change" has already begun at
this early stage.

"Junin-kai" of Okada supporters

On May 26, Okada, former president Seiji Maehara, Deputy Secretary
General Yoshihiko Noda, former Policy Research Committee chief Yukio
Edano, House of Representatives member Koichiro Genba, and two
others had dinner with supreme adviser Kozo Watanabe at a restaurant
near the Diet.

These seven are termed the "DPJ's seven magistrates" by Watanabe and
are the next-generation leaders of the party. They mostly supported
Okada in the presidential race.

These members, along with the mid-ranking and junior Diet members
who supported Okada, are beginning to try new things based on the
lesson they learned from their defeat resulting from poor
organizational ability compared to the Hatoyama and Ozawa groups.

The core Okada supporters have formed the "Junin-kai (Group of 10)."
On the evening of May 12, Genba and Noda, plus the "group of four
deputies" under the new Hatoyama leadership - including Jun Azumi,
deputy chairman of the Diet Affairs Committee, and Tetsuro Fukuyama,
deputy chairman of the Policy Research Committee - who have come to
support Okada, and a few others making a total of 10 people, had
dinner with Okada. The group's name came from that gathering. They
intend to meet regularly from now on.

With the core consolidated, the next step is to find a framework for
collaboration across group borders.

The Maehara and Noda groups, which form the core supporters of
Okada, are known to be loose alliances. On the other hand, the Ozawa
and Hatoyama groups are known for their strong unity. This
difference was reflected in the outcome of the presidential
election.

For this reason, there was a suggestion at the party of the Okada
camp to mark the end of the election on the evening of May 20 that
"the Okada group should be a holding company-type of organization in
the party." This means that the core members will unite the various
groups to build a new support base.

Some 50 people attended this party. The group came to be called the
"95 Kai," from the 95 votes Okada won in the presidential race. One
mid-ranking Diet member says: "95 (pronounced kyugo) means kyugo
(post-Hatoyama, the first character of Hatoyama's name is also
pronounced as kyu and go is "after"),with succession to Hatoyama in
mind.

However, the Diet members participating in this group have not
necessarily decided to support Okada in the next election. Okada
himself is not keen on forming this group. Nevertheless, a veteran
lawmaker who is wary of Ozawa's influence called for the
strengthening of his political base. He said: "The only way to
counter the Ozawa group is to unite the groups in the Okada camp."

Consolidating the "Kobato alliance"

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The united front between the Ozawa and Hatoyama groups in the
presidential election was called the "Kobato alliance" in the DPJ.
After the election, they have been making efforts at intraparty
harmony while also consolidating their position in the party as
individual groups.

At a dinner party on the evening of May 25, Ozawa expressed his
gratitude to eight members of the group of former members of the
(defunct) Japan Socialist Party, including Azuma Koshiishi, chair of
the DPJ House of Councillors caucus, and Hirotaka Akamatsu, chairman
of the Election Campaign Committee. He said: "I have put you through
a great deal of trouble. Thank you for holding this party for me
today." This group was divided in their support in the presidential
election, but those who supported Okada were also invited to the
party.

A participant who is close to Ozawa said: "The party to say 'thanks
for a job well done' to Mr. Ozawa is more important than the parties
of Mr Hatoyama or Mr Okada to mark the end of the election." At the
party of the Hatoyama camp attended by around 70 people on the
evening of May 21, people talked about "no side" and "let us unite
and fight as one in the general election." There was strong concern
about being divided into the Hatoyama and Okada factions. They made
every effort to create a mood of party unity.

(3) Amendment to Ministry of Defense Establishment Law passes Diet;
Post of special advisor to defense minister established

YOMIURIO Online (Full)
11:50a.m., May 27, 2009

A bill amending the Ministry of Defense (MOD) Establishment Law,
featuring the establishment of a political appointee post of special
advisor to the defense minister, was passed and enacted on the
morning of May 27 by a majority vote of members of the Liberal
Democratic Party (LDP),the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) and the
New Komeito.

The amendment includes a measure to strengthen the system of
assisting the defense minister as part of reform of the ministry in
the wake of scandals involving the ministry, such as a corruption
case caused by former vice minister Takemasa Moriya.

The defense minister can appoint up to three special advisors from
among experts in the private sector. Following the enactment of the
bill, the current defense counselor system of MOD bureaucrats
assisting the defense minister will be abolished. The amendment
stipulates that the Defense Council, which was set up in accordance
with an official instruction, is the MOD's highest-level
deliberative body.

(4) President Obama picks Roos as ambassador to Japan, probably
taking election contributions into consideration

SANKEI (Page 6) (Full)
May 27, 2009

U.S. President Barack Obama will officially appoint California
lawyer John Roos, 54, as the next ambassador to Japan. Roos started
raising funds for Obama in the presidential election campaign last
year when Hillary Clinton (now secretary of State) was still viewed

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as the most prospective winner in the Democrat nomination race. The
nomination of Roos as ambassador is viewed as a reward for such
contributions. Compared with Mike Mansfield and other past U.S.
ambassadors to Japan, Roos is relatively unknown in Japan, but his
strong point is that he is personally close to President Obama.

Roos was watching the process of counting the ballots cast in the
presidential election in last November in Chicago - Obama's
electoral state. After listening to the address Obama delivered
after winning the U.S. presidency, Roos emotionally said in an
interview with an ABC TV-affiliated station at a hotel where he was
staying: "I believe that Mr. Obama's victory will change not only
the U.S. but also the world as a whole."

Through Obama's favor, Roos and his colleagues from Silicon Valley
were able to secure seats in front of the U.S. Capital Historical
Society for the presidential inaugural held Jan. 20.

Roos has supported Democratic candidates in presidential elections,
starting with former vice president Walter Mondale. He met Obama in
2005 for the first time. He also arranged fund-raising parties, in
addition to collecting donations from individuals. He is one of the
top 50 election contributors for Obama, according to a survey by a
U.S. government monitoring group.

Obama reportedly expressed to Roos his intention to run in the
presidential race in Washington in January 2007 and sought his
cooperation. Asked about how he felt at that time, he replied in an
interview with a monthly magazine issued in San Francisco, from
where he comes: "He is like a person who keeps everything including
energy inside."

Just before Obama declared his candidacy, Roos hosted a fund-raising
party at his home in February 2007, collecting approximately 300,000
dollars (about 28 million yen). In a party he held with his friends
in San Francisco in August 2008, as much as about 8 million dollars
(approximately 760 million yen) was reportedly collected.

Some observers attribute Obama's victories over Clinton in the
primary election and over the Republican candidate McCain in the
main election to his financial strength. It is said in a sense that
Roos supported Obama's victory as a key person of Obama's "Amazing
Money Machine" that attracts donors.

Some calling for career diplomats for political appointee
ambassadorial posts

The post of U.S. ambassador to Japan has been filled by influential
politicians since Michael Mansfield, who had served as Democratic
Senate floor leader, was appointed to the post (in 1977). Mansfield
called Japan-U.S. relations "the most important bilateral
relationship in the world, bar none."

The previous president, George Bush, emphasized in an inaugural
speech for former Republican Senate majority leader Howard Baker's
inauguration as ambassador to Japan in 2001 that the U.S. government
has sent figures with a "brilliant career." Bush said: "A total
number of years of service as members of Congress (by four
successive ambassadors to Japan, including Mansfield and Baker) is
more than 100 years. The Japanese media call these influential
politicians "heavyweights."


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Roos is not categorized as a "heavyweight," but he is close to the
incumbent president, like previous ambassador to Japan Thomas
Schieffer, who became acquainted with Bush in Texas and managed a
major U.S. baseball club jointly with him, Schieffer reportedly was
able to pick up the phone and call Bush even in his bedroom.

At present, one third of the posts of U.S. ambassadors are
"political appointees." Some of the political appointees do not have
enough knowledge about foreign policy. Given this, there are
American diplomatic experts who have been calling for career
diplomats to assume the ambassadorship in Japan, Britain and other
countries. President Obama had also indicated his desire to pick
diplomats for the posts of ambassador as much as possible. As shown
in the appointment of Roos, he has succeeded to the practice of
awarding an ambassadorship to a political contributor

(5) Interview with U.S. Ambassador to APEC Haslach: 2010 summit will
look into trade liberalization within region, new goal

NIKKEI (Page 4) (Full)
May 27, 2009

It has been 20 years this year since the Asia-Pacific Economic
Cooperation forum (APEC) was launched. APEC will hold a summit in
Yokohama in 2010 with Japan serving as the host nation. The
organization is gradually losing its identity with the Group of 20
Countries and Areas (G-20),which has the participation of both
industrialized and newly emerging countries, increasing its
presence. This newspaper asked Ambassador to APEC Patricia Haslach
of the U.S. Department of State, now visiting Japan, about the U.S.
approach.

-- Has the Obama administration firmed up its trade policy toward
Asia?

"Only about 100 days have passed since the inauguration of the
administration. It is now reviewing trade-related policies, such as
a policy toward APEC, under the initiative of the United States
Trade Representative (USTR) Ronald Kirk. The U.S. has committed
itself to APEC during the previous and current administration. It
will host an APEC meeting in 2011, following Japan."

-- The APEC summit held last November focused on the prevention of
protectionism.

"APEC at the G-20 made commitment to preventing protectionism. It at
the summit last year right after the G-20 strengthened that
commitment. It also made the case at the G-20 held in London in
April that protectionist measures will only prolong the economic
crisis. Preventing protectionism will also be on the table of the
APEC trade ministerial meeting in July and the summit in November.
Those meetings will issue a statement calling on its members not to
take protectionist measures again."

-- Even though such statements have been issued at various
conferences, some countries have protectionist measures. The U.S.
has adopted the Buy-American Clause (mandating the use of U.S.
products in public works)."

"The Buy-American Clause is part of our stimulus measures. It has
been set in accordance with the World Trade Organization's (WTO)
rules. The WTO is currently examining protectionist measures adopted

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by various countries. This issue will be discussed at the trade
ministers' meeting in July."

-- What will top the agenda of the 2009 APEC summit to be held in
Singapore?

"Main agenda items will include the integration of regional
economies, food safety, energy efficiency, the environment, the
social impact of the financial crisis, and the new influenza
strain."

-- The deadline to achieve the Bogor goal adopted in 1994 for
liberalization of trade and investment in the region is drawing
near.

"Industrialized countries are making headway to achieve the goal in

2010. Some developing countries whose deadline to achieve that goal
comes in 2020 will be able to do so before that year. The 2010 APEC
summit will presumably be discussing the next step."

-- In Japan, some take the view that the Democratic administration
attaches importance to China because of the image they had built
during the Clinton administration. Secretary of State Clinton
visited Japan first. However, Treasury Secretary Geithner will visit
China first, and that is making headlines.

"Japan is one of the most important countries with which the U.S.
has bilateral relations. Secretary Clinton chose Japan as the first
country to visit in her Asian trip. I do not know about the treasury
secretary's schedule for foreign visits. Isn't it better not to
overinterpret which country he will visit first? What is important
is that he visits the country. He might visit China first simply
because of his schedule."

Interviewer: Editorial board member Akio Fujii

(6) North Korea's nuclear test a blow to nuclear inequality that
allows only five powers to possess nuclear weapons

ASAHI (Page 2) (Abridged)
May 27, 2009

Tetsuya Hakoda in Seoul, Toru Tamagawa in Vienna

North Korea's second nuclear test has sparked international
condemnation, as seen in the UN Security Council's decision on May
25 to aim toward a new resolution. Even so, North Korea is hell-bent
to become a nuclear power. This offers a glimpse into a paradox in
the international framework that is supposed to prevent nuclear
proliferation.

"The nuclear test and the launch of ballistic missiles are the
natural option taken by our country to defend peace on the Korean
Peninsula from military threats, such as the United States."

The Rodong Sinmun, the Korean Workers Party organ paper, reportedly
carried this argument on May 25, the day the North conducted the
second nuclear test.

Becoming a nuclear power has been North Korea's long-held dream
since the days of the late president Kim Il Sung. The country has
been following the path in the belief that nuclear development would

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help remove hardships from the country, a minor power.

In his New Year speech in 1992, then President Kim Il Sung said,
"Turning the Korean Peninsula into a nuclear-free peaceful zone has
been our consistent position." The day before, on December 31, 1991,
Kim signed the South-North Joint Declaration on the Denuclearization
of the Korean Peninsula. General Secretary Kim Jong Il, too, said in
2005 to the then South Korean unification minister: "Denuclearizing
the Korean Peninsula was President Kim's last instruction. Resolving
the nuclear issue through dialogue has been our consistent
standpoint." In 2007, the year after the North conducted its first
nuclear test, Kim Jong Il reportedly told then South Korean
President Roh Moo Hyun who was visiting Pyongyang that the North had
no intention of possessing nuclear weapons.

Pyongyang's logic was that although its desire was to denuclearize
the peninsula, it had to pursue the nuclear option due to the need
to counter the United States that upheld hostile policy toward the
North.

But in reality, North Korea has long been aiming at becoming a
nuclear power. The country reportedly began research in the early
1960s after the Korean War and has accelerated it since the 1980s.

The country acceded to the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) in
1985 and announced its withdrawal from the pact in 1993. This was
followed by the United States' step to consider using force against
the North, which had refused nuclear inspections. The North again
announced in January 2003 its decision to pull out of the treaty due
to its standoff with the United States over the question of
enriching uranium. The situation remains the same since. After the
first nuclear test in 2006, the North Korean Foreign Ministry
announced, "We are no longer a signatory to the NPT and are not
subject to any constraints under international law."

In an attempt to justify its nuclear programs, North Korea cited the
double standards of the United States, which has effectively
condoned the possession of nuclear weapons by India and Pakistan
without joining the NPT. The Rodong Sinmun said: "The United States
has promoted nuclear proliferation. The NPT and other arms-control
agreements exist only in name because of the double standards of the
United States. The United States has set aside its duties and even
fabricated information on offending countries."

To begin with, the North joined the NPT in compliance with a strong
request from the Soviet Union, which offered significant cooperation
in developing nuclear reactors. Now that such a restriction no
longer exists, the North thinks it can gain nothing from returning
to the NPT, according to a South Korean government official.

A South Korean official formerly responsible for North Korea policy
took this view: "North Korea thinks Iraq collapsed because it did
not have nuclear weapons. Pyongyang believes that nuclear
development is the bargaining chip that ensures the security of the
North Korean regime."

NPT regime on the brink of collapse

North Korea's second nuclear test has dealt a blow to the NPT regime
that is supposed to halt nuclear proliferation. If such countries as
Iran, which is pursuing uranium enrichment, follow in the footsteps
of North Korea, the international nonproliferation framework wrapped

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in a paradox is certain to collapse.

The NPT that went into force in 1970, at the height of the Cold War,
allows only the five UN Security Council members - the United
States, Russia, Britain, France and China - to possess nuclear
weapons, while prohibiting other countries from manufacturing and
possessing nuclear arms. The treaty's purpose was to stop the
nuclear arms race amid growing concerns over a nuclear war.

The inequality of the treaty has continued to elicit discontent from
non-nuclear weapon states (NNWS) regarding the logic of the five
nuclear powers.

Even so, signatories have winked at its inequality because they
believed that nuclear nonproliferation would contribute to their
security. They can also obtain international cooperation for the
peaceful use of nuclear energy in return for accepting inspections
by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA),the nuclear
watchdog.

But the five nuclear powers have not fulfilled the obligation
specified in the treaty to earnestly conduct talks on nuclear
disarmament. Discord between the nuclear powers and the NNWS became
evident at the NPT review conferences that take place every five
years.

The previous 2005 NPT Review Conference failed to adopt an accord
specifying a clear pledge for eliminating nuclear weapons.

The NPT does not envisage the possession of nuclear weapons by
countries other than the five powers. The international community
does not recognize North Korea, which has repeatedly conducted
nuclear tests, as a nuclear power because of this rule.

In reality, North Korea is not the only one that aims at becoming a
nuclear power outside the international rule. India conducted a
nuclear test in 1998 and Pakistan followed suit as its rival. They
possess nuclear weapons today while remaining outside the NPT
regime.

The international community, including the United States, imposed
economic sanctions on the two countries but they did not last long.
The United States concluded a civilian nuclear agreement with India
last year paving the way for nuclear power generation for commercial
use in India. The possession of nuclear weapons by Pakistan has
effectively not been called into question, either, as an ally
playing a role in the war on terror. The United States has also
turned a blind eye to Israel as its backer.

If the NPT becomes an empty shell, many countries might opt for
possessing nuclear weapons, like North Korea, after withdrawing from
the treaty. Iran has accelerated uranium enrichment in defiance of
UN Security Council resolutions, while remaining in the framework of
the NPT.

(7) Behind the scenes of the crisis - North Korea's nuclear test
(Part 1): Predominance of military over party in consolidation of
the regime

MAINICHI (Top play) (Full)
May 27, 2009


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Shoji Nishioka, Beijing

"Cholmun taejang" in Korean is translated as "wakadaisho (young
master)" in Japanese. This year North Korea's General Secretary Kim
Jong Il, 67, began to use a nickname he had never used before. He
used the word "young master" repeatedly before his close aides in
such phrases as: "Good job, good job, young master," or, "The young
master is working very hard," or, "the young master is showing an
impressive presence." A close aide said he felt that "The Great
General (General Secretary Kim) is using it intentionally."

A source close to the North Korean leadership explains:

"'Young master' is a nickname that the Great General has begun using
for his third son. The trend of the succession process is moving in
favor of the 'young master'." Soon after Kim began referring to his
third son Jong Un, 26, in this manner, information has been leaked
to the outside world that "Jong Un is the successor."

After Kim had a stroke last August, moves relating to the succession
of power began to surface in North Korea. The three potential
successors to the general secretary are Jong Un, his older brother
Jong Chol, 28, and his half brother Jong Nam, 38. It is believed
that Jong Chol is involved with party affairs in the Workers Party
of Korea, while Jong Un deals with military affairs in the National
Defense Commission (NDC).

At this point, the successor has not been named. However, the
above-mentioned source observes that, "Jong Un is a bold and
big-hearted person. He looks like the late leader (President Kim Il
Song). Jong Chol is an introvert. Apparently, the Great General
himself has commented that he is 'too delicate'."

The DPRK enhanced the authority of the NDC significantly at its
Supreme People's Assembly in April. Some experts say that it has
"placed the NDC above the party." It is believed that this is also
an indication of the trend of the succession process. A scholar of
North Korean affairs in Beijing points out that, "The reversal in
the relation between the party and the military means that Jong Un
has an advantage over Jong Chol."

How does the underground nuclear test on May 25 relate to the
consolidation of the succession process? This scholar offers the
following analysis: "The ballistic missile launch in April and this
nuclear test are part of the process to enhance the authority of the
NDC and facilitate a smooth transition to 'Jong Un's leadership'."

Most diplomatic practitioners offer the explanation that North
Korea's motive in conducting the second nuclear test was to engage
in negotiations with the U.S. on an equal footing as a "nuclear
power" in order to draw major concessions. However, in reality, one
view of the situation is that the international community has been
made to suffer the consequences of North Korea's "internal
circumstances."

Right now, the DPRK has mobilized the whole country for a "150-day
struggle" to rehabilitate the economy. It is said that Jong Un is at
the head of this campaign.

The purpose of this struggle is to build a "big and powerful
country" by 2012, which marks the 100th birth anniversary of Kim Il
Song. It can be said that the development of nuclear arms and

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missiles is a means for consolidating the succession process and
normalizing relations with the U.S., which are prerequisites for a
"big and powerful country."

The repeated use of the term "young master" has also become common
among senior military officers. Behind the promotion of missile and
nuclear experiments is the military's thinking that "the Kim Jong Un
regime will succeed Kim Jong Il" and they are taking a tough stance
to consolidate the new regime. "The military is rushing to produce
results." This statement by a source close to the DPRK leadership
points to the possibility of the military "staging another crisis."

The international community has been scrambling to come up with a
response to North Korea's nuclear test, which is regarded as part of
its "brinkmanship diplomacy." We examined the developments behind
this new situation.

(8) TOP HEADLINES

Asahi:
Pension benefits are less than half of working generations' average
income in some cases, according to government estimate for fiscal
2009

Mainichi:
North Korea prioritizing solidifying military over party

Yomiuri:
NTT Docomo ties up with Mizuho to enter financial services business

Nikkei:
Japanese automakers expanding hybrid vehicle lineups

Sankei:
UN Security Council to adopt new resolution against North Korea;
China stiffening stance toward the North

Tokyo Shimbun:
Welfare Ministry official arrested over postal scam

Akahata:
LDP, DPJ trying to preserve subsidy system while reducing reflection
of public opinion in politics by decreasing proportional
representation seats

(9) EDITORIALS

Asahi:
(1) UNSC resolution: Unified stance needed in dealing with North
Korea
(2) Concept of sports agency: Thoroughly discuss how to promote
sports first

Mainichi:
(1) Idea of splitting Health and Welfare Ministry: Full discussion
necessary before reaching conclusion
(2) We expect social business to move society

Yomiuri:
(1) UNSC: Map out effective sanctions against North Korea
(2) Economic assessment: Uncertainty still looming over economy


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Nikkei:
(1) Offer assistance to developing countries to contain new strain
of flu infections
(2) Press Japan Post President Nishikawa to carry through reform

Sankei:
(1) Diet resolution against North Korea: Discussion with focus on
threat imperative
(2) Split plan for Health and Welfare Ministry: More discussion
necessary

Tokyo Shimbun:
(1) Urgently enact bill revising the Law on Organ Transplantation
(2) New Indian government expected to fulfill responsibility as big
power

Akahata:
(1) Monthly economic report upward assessment, making family
budgets a sacrifice

(10) Prime Minister's schedule, May 26

NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full)
May 27, 2009

08:32 Attended a cabinet meeting. Education Minister Shionoya stayed
on.
08:51 Placed a telephone call to U.S. President Obama.
09:24 Signed a condolence book for the late South Korean president
Roh Moo Hyun at the South Korean Embassy in Tokyo.
09:39 Returned to the Kantei.
13:24 Attended an LDP Lower House members meeting held in the Diet
building. Afterward met LDP Secretary General Hosoda.
13:32 Attended a Lower House plenary session.
13:54 Met Lower House member Nobuhide Minorikawa at the Kantei.
15:12 Received a telephone call from Australian Prime Minister Rudd.
Afterward met Public Security Intelligence Agency Director-General
Kitada.
16:26 Taped a video for a Junior Chamber International Asia-Pacific
region convention. Afterward met former prime minister Abe, LDP
Election Strategy Council Deputy Chairman Suga, and other members of
the study group to turn Japan into a resource and energy major
power, followed by the education minister and Vice Education
Minister Zeniya.
17:58 Recorded a radio message for the LDP Kanagawa chapter, in the
presence of Suga.
18:46 Dined at a Japanese restaurant in Kioicho with Japan Business
Federation Chairman Mitarai, Nippon Steel Chairman Mimura, Toyota
senior adviser Okuda, and others.
20:30 Met MAFF Minister Ishiba at his official residence.

ZUMWALT