DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 05/19/09

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 10 TOKYO 001133

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SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 05/19/09

INDEX:
(1) Document - DPJ in turmoil: Swinging between elation and
desperation based on public opinion; LDP wary of drop in support
ratings for Aso cabinet (Nikkei)

(2) DPJ should openly discuss future options for security-treaty
policy, Article 9 (Yomiuri)

(3) Healing the scars of war: On the Japanese government's apology
to American POWs (Mainichi)

(4) Editorial: Concern about possible dual power structure in
Hatoyama-led DPJ (Nikkei)

(5) Editorial: "New DPJ Leadership: A passable restart, but..."
(Tokyo Shimbun)

(6) Editorial: Rejection of Guam International Agreement weighs
heavily on DPJ (Nikkei)

(7) Editorial: "Futenma Relocation: Revise plans for acceptance by
local community" (Mainichi)

ARTICLES:

(1) Document - DPJ in turmoil: Swinging between elation and
desperation based on public opinion; LDP wary of drop in support
ratings for Aso cabinet

NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full)
May 19, 2009

"We have finally made it this far." Having lunch with his closest
aides, including Hirofumi Hirano and Yorihisa Matsuno, at a Chinese
restaurant near the Diet on May 18, Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ)
President Yukio Hatoyama, who selected the new party leadership on
the previous day," responded to them with a smile, "You all helped
me."

"I want to take part in party head talks"

The support rating for the DPJ in a poll carried out jointly by
Nihon Keizai Shimbun and TV Tokyo rose by 10 points. Referring to
the next Lower House election, Hatoyama on an evening TV Tokyo
program presented figures that were more bullish than those the
party aimed at when Ichiro Ozawa was president: "We must secure at
least 160 to 170 seats out of 300 single-seat constituencies." He
said with great eagerness, "I want to take part in party head talks
proactively."

Katsuya Okada, who was appointed to serve as secretary general, on
the afternoon of the same day took over Hatoyama's duties as
secretary general at the party headquarters. He told reporters, "I
have joined the leadership after a hiatus of four years." Visiting
Okada's office in the Diet building, Kozo Watanabe encouraged him,
saying, "The public supports you. Do it with your head held high."

Other opposition parties, which had established a friendly
relationship with Ozawa, are anxious. Secretary General of the
People's New Party (PNP) called Okada early in the morning and
proposed, "Let's hold a meeting of the three secretaries general
(including the Social Democratic Party's secretary general) as soon

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as possible." Okada responded, "I am not as stubborn as people say.
I am rather flexible."

Though Hatoyama and Okada are zeroing in on Prime Minister Taro Aso
in confronting the ruling parties, party members' concerns are fixed
on Hatoyama's relationship with Ozawa, who is virtually in charge of
leading the party's Lower House election campaign. Asked by
reporters whether Hatoyama was unable to grasp the outcome of a
survey of the situation concerning the upcoming election, Okada
winced, noting, "I have not heard about the details. However, it is
impossible that the secretary general does not know of such an
outcome."

Prime Minister Aso spouted at a Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)
executive meeting on the evening of the 18th: "Whoever becomes the
president of the DPJ, the point is whether the person has
capabilities to run the government. The LDP should stake out
differences with the DPJ, by speaking out of its own accord. We
cannot possibly evade the consumption tax hike issue for as long as
four years."

The outcome of the opinion poll exposed the fragility of public
support for Aso. The support rating for his cabinet, which had been
on the recovery track, dropped to 30 PERCENT . Aso took a beating in
the poll, which asked respondents who they considered to be most
appropriate as prime minister after the Lower House election.

Even so, Internal Affairs Minister Kunio Hatoyama, the prime
minister's close friend, said, "That rating is probably a
celebratory favor (given by poll respondents). It was good that all
media organizations covered his election, and yet the support rating
for him was as low as that." LDP Election Committee Vice Chairman
Yoshihide Suga told reporters in Yokohama: "This support rating is
temporary. Nothing has changed." The unanimous view of lawmakers
close to the prime minister is that the current popularity of the
DPJ will not last long.

However, these responses given by the prime minister's side are not
necessary in accord with responses of all the ruling party members.
Former prime minister Yasuo Fukuda on the afternoon of the 18th
cautioned Chief Cabinet Secretary Takeo Kawamura who visited him at
his office in the Lower House Members' Office Building: "The trend
could change again. You should not drop your guard. Brace
yourself."

Aso returning to danger zone

A senior LDP official said, "There will never be a movement to oust
Aso." However, public support ratings for his cabinet have begun
taking a downward turn. Prime Minister Aso is now about to return to
the danger zone in maintaining his administration. A situation in
which Prime Minister Aso, who has not quite turned around the harsh
situation facing his cabinet, and President Hatoyama jostle each
other about is about to begin.

(2) DPJ should openly discuss future options for security-treaty
policy, Article 9

YOMIURI (Page 13) (Full)
May 19, 2009

By Masayuki Yamauchi, professor at the University of Tokyo

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The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) has advocated a review of the
Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA),a key part in the
Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, even while expressing a willingness to
keep the Japan-U.S. alliance as the basis for Japan's national
security. Remembering former president Ichiro Ozawa's remark that
the U.S. Navy 7th Fleet would be sufficient (for Japan's national
security)," many people wonder if the DPJ is willing to radically
review the ideology and operation of the U.S-Japan Security Treaty.
I would expect the new Hatoyama-Okada leadership to explain this
point in detail.

The DPJ is also aiming to transfer U.S. Marines Corps bases in
Okinawa to areas outside of Okinawa. If this idea is translated into
action, the burden on the local communities now hosting the bases
would be reduced. In this sense, this idea is appropriate, but I
wonder whether the DPJ, in scrambling to grab political power, will
be able to give a proper explanation to the residents of the
prefectures that would be involved in the new plan.

In the current Diet session, the DPJ has opposed the government's
antipiracy bill, which governs the dispatch of Maritime Self-Defense
Force (MSDF) vessels (to waters off Somalia). The party is instead
calling for sending destroyers possessed by the Japan Coast Guard
(JCG). I do not think it is proper to prepare legislation in each
case the SDF is dispatched overseas. Even so, this cannot be used as
the reason for imposing a heavier burden on the JCG, which engages
in coastal patrolling. While keeping constitutional reform in mind,
the DPJ should consider how to establish a new international peace
order for the 21st century and future options for contributions by
the SDF.

If the DPJ is aiming at a change in government, the party must
change its ambiguous stance about the right to collective
self-defense and constitutional revision.

In an open debate conducted at the Japan Press Club on May 15, new
DPJ President Hatoyama said: "Mr. Ozawa takes the view that the UN
is the ultimate (decisions at the UN take top priority),but I take
a UN-centered policy, at most." Ozawa asserted that under a
resolution of the UN Security Council, SDF troops should be allowed
to use armed force, regardless of the relevant stipulation in
Article 9 of the Constitution. Hatoyama said: "I do not intend to
follow (Ozawa's) policy that Japan should do everything that the UN
has decided." He showed a view different from Ozawa's. Many people
probably are perplexed at this wide perception gap between the
incoming and outgoing presidents over matters related to the
Constitution.

Hatoyama puts forth "a diplomacy of fellowship" as his political
principle. I feel rather awkward about this slogan, because it gives
an impression that issues pending between two countries with
different national interests and governance ideologies can be
settled at the level of romanticism. I do not think it is proper for
a person in a responsible person to set forth such a principle.
Hatoyama is interested in the Northern Territories issue under the
influence of his grandfather Ichiro Hatoyama, a former prime
minister who signed the Japan-Soviet Union joint declaration, but
Russia, which has faith in the ideology of power, could cleverly use
the principle of "fellowship" against Japan,

If the DPJ gives priority to the goal of taking over political

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power, the party may find it difficult to step into discussing
collective self-defense and constitutional revision. But a regime
change will be brought about under the initiative of the largest
party in the opposition camp. Although some say that foreign and
security policies are not vote-getting, the next House of
Representatives election is expected to be different in nature from
the past elections. If the DPJ seeks the voters' judgment on which
political parties (the LDP or the DPJ) they choose as the party in
power, the main opposition party should openly discuss future
options for the nation, such as what to do about the Japan-U.S.
security arrangements and the use of the right to collective
self-defense. Hatoyama has said that he outgrew his old self (under
President Ozawa). We expect him to come up with practical diplomatic
policies. The people also hope that the DPJ will detail its policies
its policy manifesto for the next Lower House election.

(3) Healing the scars of war: On the Japanese government's apology
to American POWs

MAINICHI (Page 4) (Full)
Evening, May 18, 2009

Kazuhiko Togo, visiting professor at Kyoto Sangyo University, former
ambassador to the Netherlands

One of the deep scars between Japan and the United States relating
to the memories of the war is about to be healed.

I think this is one of the achievements of the Taro Aso cabinet that
will go down in history. I would like to pay my sincere respect to
the work done by my former colleagues at the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs. It is unfortunate though that such a momentous event is
taking place practically unnoticed by the Japanese people.

The question of mistreatment of soldiers and officers of the allied
forces during the Pacific War was dealt with through the trial of
Class B and C war criminals and payment of compensation to the
countries of the prisoners-of-war under Article 16 of the San
Francisco Peace Treaty. However, since the 1990s, former POWs whose
trauma had not been healed have filed cases at Japanese courts
seeking redress. The Japanese government began a project to promote
reconciliation by inviting the former POWs and their families to
Japan to meet Japanese individuals involved with the events during
the war by launching the "Peace, Friendship, and Exchange
Initiative" in 1995. By 2004, 784 former POWs were invited to Japan
from Britain, 425 from the Netherlands, and 56 from Australia.
Activities under the initiative were concluded in 2004, but
reconciliation projects have continued through funding by the
concerned ministries.

However, American POWs have been excluded from the initiative. As
illustrated by accounts such as the Death March of Bataan (the
Philippines),the treatment of American POWs was in no way any
better than that of the Europeans. Then, why were they not part of
the initiative? If this was not the result of bureaucratic apathy,
then there could be only one reason.

There seemed to be popular sentiment about whether there was any
need for further reconciliation with the American soldiers who were
prisoners-of-war, for they had killed many Japanese citizens with
their atomic bombings, carpet bombings, and other operations. Such
seemed to have been taken into consideration. However, cruelty by

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one side does not justify cruelty by the other side. The fact that
there is such a sentiment among the Japanese is probably
incomprehensible to almost all Americans. Such culturally-based
distrust will shake the very foundation of the alliance. There is a
need for somebody to have the courage to break off this negative
linkage.

Recently, a friend in the U.S. sent me a copy of the letter sent by
Lester Tenney, president of the American Defenders of Bataan and
Corregidor (ADBC) to President Barack Obama and Ambassador to the
U.S. Ichiro Fujisaki. Tenney has worked patiently to convince the
Japanese government to treat American POWs in the same manner as the
British, the Dutch, and the Australians. He also contributed an
essay to the April 15 Issue of the Japan Times detailing ADBC's
recent activities.

1) In November, 2008, Ambassador and Mrs Fujisaki were the first
senior Japanese officials to meet him and listen seriously to his
account of his bitter experience.

2) Based on his request at this meeting, he received a letter in
December from the Japanese government through the ambassador
stating: "We express our sincere apologies for inflicting damage and
pain on many people, including those who experienced the tragedy of
Bataan and Corregidor."

3) In February, 2009, a statement based on the cabinet decision that
the apology applies to "all former POWs" was conveyed to Diet
members.

4) We, the American POWs, accept the apology that the Japanese
government has come up with after its long search.

The ADBC will be disbanded this month. Before the group is
dissolved, Tenney expresses hope for the American POWs to be
included in the "Peace, Friendship, and Exchange Initiative" or a
similar framework. He says that if this is realized, he would like
to invite Ambassador Fujisaki to the last meeting of ADBC and
present this as the final embodiment of the reconciliation. I truly
hope that this will materialize.

In light of the above positive steps, have there been any changes in
the moves on the American side with regard to the atomic bombings?

In this regard, Mainichi Shimbun has reported several times that
with former Kyodo News correspondent in Washington Fumio Matsuo
taking the lead, an idea for the U.S. president to offer flowers in
Hiroshima and for the Japanese prime minister to offer flowers at
Pearl Harbor is being considered.

Two years ago, this idea was discussed at a seminar on history
issues at the University of California in Santa Barbara, where
Matsuo was invited as a guest speaker. The reaction of the
participants was that this was "premature."

However, I had an opportunity to hold discussions with some of the
participants at that time this past January, and the reaction of the
American scholar who had been most negative about the plan had
changed. He said: "This idea may move forward under Obama."

History is moving in a positive direction, albeit slowly.


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(4) Editorial: Concern about possible dual power structure in
Hatoyama-led DPJ

NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full)
May 19, 2009

The new leadership of the Democratic Party of Japan led by President
Yukio Hatoyama will be formally launched today. Former President
Ichiro Ozawa will become vice president in charge of election
strategy. Katsuya Okada, Hatoyama's rival in the leadership
election, will assume the post of secretary general. Although
Hatoyama technically has formed a unified party arrangement, there
is a possibility that the new leadership will have a dual power
structure, under which Ozawa will continue to wield the real power
in managing the party.

Hatoyama must first eliminate the party's negative image created by
the arrest and indictment of Ozawa's state-funded secretary for
receiving illegal donations from Nishimatsu Construction Co.

It is hard to say that Ozawa has fully fulfilled his accountability
for how he used the money donated by Nishimatsu. The DPJ's response
to this issue is being tested. In this respect, it is extremely hard
to understand why Ozawa has been retained in a key post responsible
for making strategy for the next House of Representatives election.
Winning the upcoming election has become the uppermost task for the
DPJ for the time being.

Although a court will ultimately resolve the political donation
case, the impression that cannot be erased is one of Hatoyama having
ignored public opinion, which called on Ozawa to resign as DPJ
leader to take responsibility for the scandal. Once the way
Nishimatsu Construction made political donations is clarified in the
trial that will start soon, the DPJ leadership will find itself
under fire.

According to a spot opinion poll conducted on the weekend (May
16-17) by the Nihon Keizai Shimbun along with TV Tokyo, the support
rate for the DPJ rose to 38 PERCENT , a 10 point jump over the level
of a poll carried out in late April. The approval rate for the LDP,
however, dropped three points to 33 PERCENT . The support rates for
the LDP and DPJ are now close to the levels the two parties secured
in early March when the scandal involving Nishimatsu Construction
Co. was uncovered. In the popularity ranking of political parties
for the proportional representation segment in the next general
election, the DPJ topped the LDP, with the DPJ tallying 41 PERCENT
and the LDP securing 28 PERCENT .

However, it is too early to think that the DPJ has completely
regained public confidence. The survey found that 47 PERCENT of the
public had expectations for Hatoyama, while 49 PERCENT had no
expectations of him. The poll was carried out before the leadership
lineup was formed. To the question whether Ozawa should remain in a
key post, 54 PERCENT of the respondents opposed and 32 PERCENT
supported the decision.

The House of Councillors will launch deliberations on May 20 on the
fiscal 2009 extra budget. The terms of the Lower House members will
end in September. With an eye on the dissolution of the Lower House
and snap election, the fierce maneuvering between the ruling and
opposition camps will enter a final situation.


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In the DPJ presidential election, the candidates stressed such
inward-looking assertions that all party members should play ball
and the party should solidify itself like a rock. Taking advantage
of such opportunities as a party-heads debate in the Diet, Hatoyama
must take responsibility to clarify the DPJ's differences with the
LDP.

(5) Editorial: "New DPJ Leadership: A passable restart, but..."

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 5) (Full)
May 19, 2009

Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama has
appointed his leadership team with party unity as the keyword. While
support from the public, which had abandoned the party for a while,
has returned, there is also a feeling of hesitation in public
opinion with regard to the birth of a "DPJ administration." Whether
this hurdle can be overcome will be a litmus test for the new
leadership.

Hatoyama has appointed Katsuya Okada, who had distanced himself from
Ichiro Ozawa and who ran against him in the presidential election,
as secretary general, while Ozawa was named deputy president in
charge of election strategy. Yoshihiko Noda, who supported Okada,
was given the post of deputy secretary general, in consideration of
the sentiments of the younger generation members who seek the
complete elimination of the Ozawa color.

Unity was given top priority since the sole goal is to achieve a
change of administration. The appointments reflect the
Hatoyama-style shift to a general election mode, with Okada, who
enjoyed popular support as the next leader, being designated as the
"face" of the election and Ozawa taking charge of the practical
work. Even though there has been some criticism of Ozawa's
appointment to a senior position, this was probably a realistic
decision to count on "Ozawa the election expert," who is feared by
the ruling parties.

However, what will be the division of labor between Okada, who will
be responsible for giving encouragement to the candidates and
heading the election campaign, and Ozawa? While it is said that they
have each marked out their territories, will there not be any
conflict in the future? If signs of "Ozawa as the power behind the
throne" -- which continues to be a subject of concern -- become
stronger, this may quickly result in the voters "abandoning the
DPJ."

Hatoyama has a sizable lead over Prime Minister Taro Aso in various
ad hoc opinion polls conducted by the media on who is more suitable
to serve as prime minister. The DPJ also leads the Liberal
Democratic Party (LDP) in the voters' choice for the proportional
representation ticket. This is good news for Hatoyama's DPJ.

On the other hand, a poll by Kyodo News shows that 50.6 PERCENT of
the respondents "have no expectations of Hatoyama," exceeding the
47.5 PERCENT who do. The public want a change of administration,
but they are doubtful if the DPJ is up to the job.

With a change of leader, the cover of the book has changed, but what
about the contents? Can the party be entrusted with the
administration? Are the DPJ's economic policies fully backed by
revenue sources? Such are the doubts and concerns of the voters.

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These will have to be dispelled one by one.

The debate in the final stretch of the Diet session will be the
perfect opportunity to do so. This can be done at the House of
Councillors's deliberation of the FY09 supplementary budget, which
is being criticized for creating wasteful funds among other things,
and during the party leaders' debate. We hope Mr Hatoyama will take
a positive attitude toward the debate with the prime minister and
present a concrete vision of the government.

The ruling parties are most probably shocked by the DPJ's unexpected
rebound because they had thought that Hatoyama would be easy to
handle. The people continue to look at the LDP-New Komeito
administration with skepticism. They should analyze quickly why this
sudden "reversal of support" happened so easily.

(6) Editorial: Rejection of Guam International Agreement weighs
heavily on DPJ

NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full)
May 15, 2009

The House of Councillors voted down in its plenary session on May 13
the Guam International Agreement designed to have the Japanese
government contribute up to 2.8 billion dollars as part of the cost
of the relocation of 8,000 U.S. Marines and their dependents from
Okinawa to Guam. The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ),the largest
party in the Upper House, prevented the agreement from being
automatically approved by the Diet at zero hours on May 14. Was (the
DPJ) aware of the possibility of its becoming a burden in the
future?

The Guam International Agreement is a treaty. Article 61 of the
Constitution stipulates that when the two Diet chambers make
different decisions on a treaty or when the Upper House fails to
take final action within 30 days after the receipt of the treaty
passed by the Lower House, the decision of the Lower House shall be
the decision of the Diet. For this reason, the agreement was
approved by the Diet, even though it had been voted down in the
Upper House.

It is understandable for the DPJ, an opposition party, to feel
discontent with the content of the agreement and oppose it in the
Lower House. It is also logically natural for the party to take the
same attitude in the Upper House. At the same time, the chamber
could have waited for half a day to let the treaty clear the Diet
automatically. In view of the diplomatic implications of its
rejection, the DPJ's step was actually somewhat absurd.

The next Lower House election will take place by the fall, and there
is a possibility that the DPJ will take power. A party decision to
wait for automatic Diet approval could have hinted at its response
in such a case. Meanwhile, the fact that the Upper House voted down
the agreement would consequently place a DPJ-centered administration
in the future under a political obligation to seek a revision to the
agreement in its talks with the United States.

Negotiations would be cumbersome. U.S. reluctance to respond to such
a call would delay the overall realignment of U.S. military bases in
Japan, including the transfer of U.S. Marines and the relocation of
Futenma Air Station. The day to reduce Okinawa's base burden would
slip away. A large part of work for managing the Japan-U.S. alliance

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would have to be devoted to them.

Responses to threats to national security, such as the North Korean
nuclear issue, might be neglected as a result. The Japan-U.S.
alliance might be driven by centrifugal force instead of centripetal
force. Once a party opposed a matter in the Lower House, it is
natural for it to take the same attitude in the upper chamber as
well. But the DPJ apparently did not give thought to its diplomatic
implications.

Such was fine if the DPJ was a minor opposition party. But being a
party that has the next administration within its reach, the DPJ
should have thought through the Guam International Agreement as a
matter closely associated with its ability to run the government.
Unable to think about the future in the run-up to the presidential
election following Ichiro Ozawa's resignation, the DPJ has taken a
step that will only make its load even heavier.

(7) Editorial: "Futenma Relocation: Revise plans for acceptance by
local community"

MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full)
May 15, 2009

The "Agreement on the Relocation of U.S. Marines in Okinawa to Guam"
between the Japanese and U.S. government has been approved by the
Diet. The two main points of the agreement are Japan's funding of up
to $2.8 billion and the prohibition of the use of such funds for
other purposes. Furthermore, the marines' relocation comes in a
package with the relocation of the U.S. Forces' Futenma Air Station
in Ginowan City, Okinawa to Nago City.

Problems with the purpose of the funding and the basis of the
calculation have not been clarified fully at the Diet deliberations,
while the relocation of the Futenma base is experiencing rough
sailing in negotiations with the local communities. The government
should continue its efforts to come up with clear answers to
questions relating to the Guam relocation plan and also work
seriously to resolve the issues of Futenma relocation. The reduction
of the burden imposed by the bases on Okinawa, which marks the 37th
anniversary of its reversion to Japanese administration on May 15,
should be realized.

One problem with the agreement is that the question of whether
funding the construction of facilities in Guam that will also be
used by the U.S. navy and air force in the name of marine relocation
does not constitute the use of such funds "for other purposes"
remains unanswered. Moreover, the basis for calculating the upper
limit of Japan's financial share has not been explained.

A new issue emerged during the Diet deliberations on the number of
marines in Okinawa to be reduced with the relocation to Guam. The
government had explained that "some 8,000 marines and their
families, making a total of about 9,000 will move to Guam" and there
is a clear provision on this in the agreement. However, the size of
reduction is actually the reduction of the authorized troop size
from 18,000 to 10,000. The actual number of marines in Okinawa right
now is approximately 13,000, so the actual cutback will only be
around 3,000. The "reduction of 8,000 troops" has been symbolic of
the reduction of the burden on Okinawa. Therefore, the lightening of
the burden will be less than what had been explained. There is no
denying that this constitutes a de facto revision of the original

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plan.

Even as doubts about the agreement remain, the relocation of Futenma
Air Station, which is located near the urban center of Ginowan City,
needs to be implemented for the sake of the safety of the local
residents and in order to resolve noise and other environmental
issues.

Thirteen years have passed since the Japanese and U.S. governments
agreed on the return of Futenma. The U.S. Forces Japan realignment
road map agreed upon by the two governments in 2006 provides for the
completion of the facility replacing Futenma in the coastal area of
Camp Schwab in Nago City by 2014. A conclusion has to be reached by
next spring. Okinawa Prefecture and Nago City demand that the
substitute facility be built farther from the coast than the
location the two governments have chosen in order to deal with noise
and environmental problems. The government should respect the wishes
of the local governments and residents, deal with the matter
flexibly, and reach an agreement at an early date.

Meanwhile, the policy of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) on
Futenma relocation as stated in its "Okinawa Vision 2008" calls for
"looking at the possibility of relocation outside Okinawa and aiming
at relocation outside Japan." Does this mean that the agreement will
be reviewed if the DPJ takes over power? We would like to see the
party come up with a concrete plan for realizing its Okinawa policy
under its new president as the general election approaches.

ZUMWALT