Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
09TAIPEI1368
2009-11-17 07:30:00
CONFIDENTIAL
American Institute Taiwan, Taipei
Cable title:  

TAIWAN'S HUGE HAKKA POPULATION MUCH SOUGHT AFTER

Tags:  PGOV KDEM TW CH 
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C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 TAIPEI 001368 

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 11/12/2019
TAGS: PGOV KDEM TW CH
SUBJECT: TAIWAN'S HUGE HAKKA POPULATION MUCH SOUGHT AFTER
BY POLITICIANS OF ALL STRIPES

Classified By: Political Section Chief Dave Rank for reasons 1.4 (b/d)

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 TAIPEI 001368

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 11/12/2019
TAGS: PGOV KDEM TW CH
SUBJECT: TAIWAN'S HUGE HAKKA POPULATION MUCH SOUGHT AFTER
BY POLITICIANS OF ALL STRIPES

Classified By: Political Section Chief Dave Rank for reasons 1.4 (b/d)


1. (C) Summary: Taiwan's political narrative long has
centered on relations between mainland Chinese who fled here
with the Kuomintang (KMT) in the 1940s and the island's Hoklo
majority, whose ancestors migrated from southern Fujian
province generations earlier. That analysis, however, fails
to account for the Hakkas, a linguistically and culturally
distinctive group that first came to Taiwan from China
centuries ago and now make up nearly one-fifth of the
island's population. The Hakkas have emerged as an important
political force and are wooed by national and local
politicians alike, most recently in the run-up to December 5
elections for county and city leaders. Although they don't
vote as a solid block, Hakkas historically have trended
toward the KMT, particularly in northern Taiwan where most of
them live, while being skeptical of Taiwan independence as
promoted by the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). They
generally are comfortable with the status quo, and therefore
act as an important brake against the more extreme proponents
of either reunification or independence. End summary.


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THE HAKKAS FIND A HOME IN TAIWAN ...
--------------


2. (SBU) Other than a very small aborigine population, the
people of Taiwan often are seen as falling into one of two
groups. First are the Hoklo, who account for most of the
island's 23 million people. Their ancestors came here
centuries ago from Fujian province across the Taiwan Strait,
and they continue to speak a dialect similar to that of
southern Fujian. Supporters of the pro-independence
Democratic Progressive Party come primarily from this group.
Second are the so-called "outsiders" (waishengren) from
elsewhere in China who fled to Taiwan in the late 1940s with
KMT Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek. They generally speak
Mandarin and traditionally have backed closer ties with China
and, at least in theory, have not forsaken the eventual goal
of reunification. Over the years the KMT has aggressively
recruited the Hoklo, also called Minnanren, who hold many key
positions in the party and the government.


3. (SBU) The main problem with that dichotomous analysis is

the failure to account for the Hakka population, whose
ancestors fled to Taiwan and other relatively safe havens
around the world during times of chaos within mainland China,
such as the 17th Century overthrow of the Ming dynasty.
"We're the Jews of the Chinese," proclaimed Liu Tung-Lung,
Deputy Minister of the Executive Yuan Council for Hakka
Affairs. According to the council, the Hakka now account for
roughly 4.3 million people on Taiwan, or about 19% of the
population. The Council's main task is to promote the use of
the Hakka language, which Liu said is spoken by about 2.8
million people here, and other aspects of Hakka culture.
Visitors to Liu's office get parting gifts that showcase the
Council's work: a Hakka language textbook and accompanying
CDs, a DVD of a Hakka-language movie, and the otherwise
hard-to-find "Jazz Hakka 2009" CD, including standards such
as Afternoon Tree featuring Toshi, Mountain and Annie.


4. (SBU) The most hallowed ground for Taiwan's Hakka is the
sprawling Yimin Temple just outside Hsinchu City. The temple
marks the burial spot of some 200 Hakka heroes who were
killed fighting a rebel army of Hoklo at the end of the 18th
century. Emperor Qianlong sent a plaque in his own
calligraphy honoring the loyalty of the defenders, a replica
of which has pride of place in the temple's main hall. Temple
caretaker Lin Bang-Hsiung, his face marked by a mole on his
right cheek from which several strands of white hair
protrude, said more than 500,000 people visit annually during
the peak Chinese New Year season. The crowds include top
leaders, and the temple walls are adorned with photos of
visits by former Presidents Lee Teng-hui of the KMT and Chen
Shui-bian of the DPP. Lin, who traces his Hakka ancestors
back 23 generations, the last seven of which lived on Taiwan,
said President Ma Ying-jeou has made the pilgrimage as well.
"They come to attract votes," said Lin. Ma's electioneering
doesn't stop with temple visits; he attended a gala Hakka
awards dinner in September where he gave a five-minute speech
in Hakka and promised a 27 percent increase in the budget of
the Council for Hakka Affairs. In November, with local
elections less than a month away, he further promised to
double the Council's budget within four years. The president,
noted Liu, also claimed to be descended from a famous Hakka
general.

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... AND BECOME AN IMPORTANT POLITICAL FACTOR...
-------------- --


5. (C) While wooing Hakkas is a fixture for presidential
races, it's even more important for local races in
predominately Hakka areas. In Hsinchu County, for example,
more than two-thirds the population is Hakka, according to
the Council. Both the DPP and KMT candidates for Hsinchu
County magistrate are Hakka; an independent candidate who
broke away from the KMT is not, but she stresses the fact
that her husband and her most important supporter, the
outgoing Hsinchu magistrate, both are. The KMT candidate,
Chiu Ching-chun, in particular has made his connections to
Hakka communities around the world an important campaign
issue. His name card identifies him as chairman of the World
Hakka Association, and he says he will attract international
Hakka investment to Hsinchu should he be elected magistrate.
"They will all want to come here and invest because they
trust me," he told PolOffs. To underscore the importance of
tapping into the Hakka diaspora, Chiu during campaign
appearances whips out of his wallet a 25-rupee note from
Mauritius that bears the portrait of Sir Moilin Jean
Ah-Chuen, a Hakka businessman and parliamentarian from the
tiny Indian Ocean island.


6. (C) As he predicted the "vast majority" of Hakkas would
vote for him, Chiu tapped with his finger the KMT emblem on
the breast of his campaign vest. He, like most other
officials and politicians PolOff interviewed, argued that
Hakkas tended to vote for the KMT for a variety of reasons.
Chiu argued the KMT always had taken care of the Hakkas.
(Note: A campaign aide for the DPP candidate made the same
point in a different way -- Hakkas didn't support the KMT as
much as they liked Sun Yat-sen, the father of modern China
whose portrait graces Taiwan currency. End note.) Several
people, including Chuang Ying-Chang, dean of the College of
Hakka Studies at National Chiao Tung University in Hsinchu,
noted that Hakkas typically were a minority population and
therefore remained loyal to their rulers, which for most of
the past-half century have been the KMT on Taiwan, as their
protectors.


7. (C) Many argued that Hakka typically were more comfortable
with the KMT's goal of strengthening relations with mainland
China than with the DPP's pro-independence policy. One reason
is that familial ties continued to link Hakkas on Taiwan with
the mainland. Professor Chuang said some Hakka here still
sent money back to relatives on the mainland; in return, they
received peanuts and other local products. Lineage halls
where Hakka pay respect to their mainland ancestors remain
common in some Taiwan villages. Meanwhile, many Hakka are
uncomfortable whenever the Taiwan independence movement is
closely identified with the Hoklo and their language, as has
often been the case.


8. (C) Still, the DPP has made some inroads among the Hakka.
Professor Chuang estimated that perhaps 30 percent of Hakkas
now supported the DPP, up from 10 percent in the past,
although he cautioned that this did not necessarily translate
into backing for independence. One reason for the increased
support, he said, was a number of actions taken by former
President Chen Shui-bian to promote Hakka culture. During
Chen's administration, the first Hakka television station
went on the air and the Council for Hakka Affairs was
established, as was Chuang's own College of Hakka Studies.
The DPP in general fares better in southern Taiwan, and the
minority of Hakka who live there tend to be more supportive
of the opposition party as well. Liu Jui-nan, the KMT
secretary general for Taoyuan County in northern Taiwan,
noted that in a few local Hakka-dominated townships his party
also typically lost to the DPP.

--------------
...YET NOT QUITE A POLITICAL MOVEMENT
--------------


9. (C) For all the efforts to strengthen Hakka identity, no
serious Hakka-based political movement has emerged. A
candidate from the recently formed Hakka Party is running for
magistrate in Taoyuan County, which has the largest Hakka
population of any county or city with about 730,000. The
party, with 2,000 members in the county, is tiny; when PolOff
visited the candidate's headquarters it was hardly abuzz with
activity. The candidate, Wu Fu-tung, is a veterinarian and
novice politician who in an interview with PolOff had trouble
explaining how a campaign based on Hakka identity could
appeal to a broader audience. Even his few campaign
contributors seem a bit wary. On the walls of Wu's campaign
headquarters are about 150 slips of red paper bearing the

TAIPEI 00001368 003 OF 003


amounts of individual donations, typically ranging from NTD
3,000-5,000 (USD 93-156),but only the surnames of the
contributors to protect their identity so as not to anger the
more established parties.

-------------- --------------
COMMENT: HAKKA AS AN IMPORTANT MODERATING POLITICAL FACTOR
-------------- --------------


10. (C) The KMT and DPP assiduously woo Hakka voters, who
tend to identify with the more moderate factions of the two
major parties. As Liu of the Council for Hakka Affairs noted,
Hakkas typically neither aggressively advocate reunification
with China nor do they aggressively support Taiwan
independence. Instead, they reflect mainstream public opinion
by favoring the status quo in which Taiwan maintains its de
facto autonomy without formally declaring independence. In so
doing, they represent a key stabilizing force in Taiwan
politics. In recognition of their political importance, AIT
plans to expand on its recent steps to broaden its contacts
with the Hakka community.
STANTON