MAYOR OF NEMA FIGHTS ON WHILE PRO-COUP PARTISANS

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 NOUAKCHOTT 000083

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/25/2019
TAGS: ECON ETRD KDEM MR PGOV PREL PTER
SUBJECT: MAYOR OF NEMA FIGHTS ON WHILE PRO-COUP PARTISANS
TRY TO OUST HIM

REF: A. 08 NOUAKCHOTT 693

B. 08 NOUAKCHOTT 595

C. 08 NOUAKCHOTT 186

Classified By: Charge d'Affaires Cornelius C. Walsh for reasons 1.4 (b)
and (d).


1. (C) Summary: The mayor of the remote southeastern town
of Nema continues to try to improve the living conditions of
his residents, despite ongoing attempts by pro-coup
politicians to unseat him from his post. The economic
situation remains as precarious as ever, exacerbated by the
pullout of foreign organizations after the coup. Although
reluctant to acknowledge the presence of smuggling or
extremism in his community, he is well aware of the economic
and administrative problems that his community faces. End
summary.


2. (C) PolAsst accompanied a DOD team on a visit to
southeastern Mauritania January 14 to 17. The team stayed
overnight in Kiffa January 14, then passed through Tintane,
Ayoun El-Atrous, and Timbedra before reaching Nema on January

15. PolAsst met the mayor of Nema, Vadily Ould Ahmed, at his
residence. Note: Just before reaching Nema, the team
encountered a Mauritanian military convoy headed west to
resupply the GLATR III (counter-terrorism unit) deployed in
Tichit. The presence of a fuel truck in the convoy indicates
that the GLATR unit is perhaps actively patrolling the region
around Tichit (thus expending fuel and requiring resupply).
End note.


3. (C) Economic situation: Ahmed stated that Nema's economy
is based almost exclusively on agriculture and animal
husbandry. Consequently, the population is at the mercy of
the weather -- a plentiful rainy season means a decent
harvest and healthier animals, whereas a meager rainy season
leads to an even more precarious economic situation. (Note:
The rainy season in 2008 was better than normal. End note.)
Additionally, many families live on the income of only one
person, further increasing their economic vulnerability.
Ahmed further stated that since the coup, unemployment in the
town has increased because development projects and funding
that were ongoing (or about to come online) with
international partners have ceased. Comment: Informal
observations and discussions along the so-called "Road of
Hope" from Nouakchott to Nema confirmed Ahmed's bleak
economic assessments. Hotel clerks in Kiffa and Nema stated
that business was "very bad" as of late with very few guests
(EmbOffs were the only hotel guests in Nema, and in Kiffa,
the only other guests were a two-man ICRC team passing
through after a brief trip to the prison at Nema). Hotel
clerks cited a one-two punch as the cause of this steep
decline in business: First, the attack on French tourists
outside Aleg in December 2007 caused an immediate sharp
decline in the number of travelers driving overland from
Mauritania to Mali (previously a popular tourist route,
particularly with the French). Second, the August 2008 coup
led to aid and development groups pulling out of the region,
cutting off another major source of clientele. End comment.


4. (C) Cross-border trade with Mali: With the
Malian-Mauritanian border closures of November 2008 in mind
(Ref A),PolAsst asked about relations with Mali. Ahmed
stated that Nema is much closer to Mali, both geographically
and economically, than to Nouakchott. "We are one family,"
he said. Consequently, any border disputes or closures
adversely affect the community. The amount of trade with
Mali is much greater than that with Nouakchott. Ahmed stated
that they import from Mali primarily vegetables (corn, etc.),
coffee, spices, and salt, whereas the Malians come up to
Mauritania to buy sugar, cigarettes, and tea. Asked about
smuggling, Ahmed stated "it's not a problem here in Nema,"
though he acknowledged 1kg of cocaine was seized previously
in Timbedra (approximately 100km to the west). When pressed,
Ahmed admitted to hearing rumors of smuggling, but not
actually witnessing it personally. Comment: Ahmed's
reluctance to admit to smuggling in his own community follows
a behavioral pattern of mayors in the east shifting the
smuggling blame on to other communities. For example, MIST

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members observed during a visit in 2008 to the mayor of
Oualata that he said smuggling was in Nema and Bassikounou.
The mayor of Bassikounou in the past has pinned smuggling on
Nema. With the mayor of Nema likewise pushing responsibility
onto Timbedra, it is almost certain that smuggling is in fact
present in all the eastern communities, but no one wants to
admit to it taking place in their own backyard. End comment.


5. (C) Political situation: Turning to politics, Ahmed shed
some light on the attempts by pro-coup politicians to oust
him from his seat. For the 2007 municipal elections, Ahmed
had to form alliances with several parties, whereby he became
the "consensus candidate" and managed to win the mayor's
seat. However, some people on the 19-member town council
were unhappy with the arrangement and made half-hearted
attempts to remove him from office (even before the coup).
After the coup, Ahmed's anti-coup stance and membership in
the anti-coup APP party (and by extension, the FNDD) provided
a renewed catalyst for his enemies to force him out. Since
the coup, the town council has held two separate votes to
dismiss him, with his opponents confident each time they had
the necessary majority. However, both votes failed. Ahmed
was vague about his future chances for remaining in power,
saying "as long as I have a majority in these votes of
confidence, I'll be okay." Asked about the general political
sentiment among the population, Ahmed said the populace is
mostly against the coup, but they often invoke the saying,
"Never oppose the person in power." Consequently, visible
displays of anti-coup sentiment are rare.


6. (C) Finance committee: Ahmed stated that he based his
mayoral campaign on transparency. Translating this into
tangible results, after his election as mayor he established
a three-member finance committee that oversees all of the
municipal funds. This allows his constituents to see exactly
how much money goes to whom. When asked whether he thinks
this innovative practice will endure after he leaves office,
he flatly stated "I don't know," observing that people have
different management styles, and will often do their own
thing as soon as they are in power. Nevertheless, EmbOffs
praised Ahmed for his initiative and willingness to bring new
governance practices to his town.


7. (C) Extremism and Al Qaida: As for extremism and
recruitment by terrorist groups among the youth, Ahmed saw no
reason to worry about it in Nema. "Family ties are very
strong here," he said. He asserted that recruitment and
radicalization were much more likely in Nouakchott, where
many youth from Nema go to find employment or to continue
their education beyond the secondary level. Once in
Nouakchott, youth no longer have the benefit of strong
familial ties to act as a buffer against outside influences.


8. (C) The challenges: Ahmed was the most animated when he
was asked about the challenges he faced as mayor. He said
decentralization was desperately needed, particularly for
outlying towns like his own that depend more on other regions
(such as Mali) than on the central government in Nouakchott
for their well-being. "The government wants us to do all
kinds of things, but then doesn't give us the means to do
them. Either we're in charge of our own affairs, or we're
not," he said. As for the greatest challenge at the level of
the people, he stated water was the number one concern,
matching previous findings by other visits to the region (Ref
C). "Everything depends on water... If there is water, there
is agriculture. If there is agriculture, that promotes more
development, and so on," he said.


9. (C) Offer of support: PolAsst asked Ahmed if there were
a small project ($20,000-$25,000) he had in mind that the
Embassy (CMSE team) could do in Nema as part of USG efforts
to provide tangible support to mayors who have taken public
anti-coup stands (Ref B). Noting again that "water is our
biggest problem" but realizing such a project fell outside
the scope of the proposal, Ahmed suggested a
hygiene/sanitation project (in the hospital, street cleanup,
etc.). Contact details were exchanged with the promise of
further coordination.


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10. (C) Comment: Ahmed stated several times throughout the
meeting, "We work for the good of the population," and he
seems to actually mean it. His innovative finance committee
and attempts to establish transparency in governance are a
rarity in Mauritanian civil administration. In contrast to
many other political leaders' lavish residences in
Mauritania, Ahmed has clearly not profited personally from
his position, living in a very modest house with his extended
family. He appears to genuinely want to help his people and
develop the community, while simultaneously dealing with
continued efforts by parts of the town council to force him
out. End comment.


11. (C) While literally "at the end of the highway" from
Nouakchott, Nema figures prominently in Mission planning.
Prior to the coup, Nema was designated as a priority town for
USAID anti-radicalization programming and the location for an
MCC Threshold program focused on education. We have done
multiple military training exercises in Nema with the
Mauritanian Camel Corps. Despite the cut in programs driven
by the coup, Nema remains important. AQIM elements are
frequently active in the area and Nema will serve as a
stand-by refueling station for the regionally-based CREEKSAND
reconnaissance aircraft. Having one of the highest
percentages of Black Moors, Nema and environs are seen as
having a significant incidence of slavery and slave-like
relationships. The region is also tied into the movement of
drugs and other contraband and has connections to Malian
Tuareg rebels.

WALSH