Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
09NOUAKCHOTT358
2009-05-28 15:29:00
CONFIDENTIAL
Embassy Nouakchott
Cable title:  

PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE SGHAIR OULD M'BARECK: "I

Tags:  PGOV PREL KDEM PINR MR 
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C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 NOUAKCHOTT 000358 

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 05/28/2019
TAGS: PGOV PREL KDEM PINR MR
SUBJECT: PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE SGHAIR OULD M'BARECK: "I
WILL STRENGTHEN DEMOCRACY"

REF: 03 NOUAKCHOTT 489

Classified By: Ambassador Mark M. Boulware for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d).

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 NOUAKCHOTT 000358

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 05/28/2019
TAGS: PGOV PREL KDEM PINR MR
SUBJECT: PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE SGHAIR OULD M'BARECK: "I
WILL STRENGTHEN DEMOCRACY"

REF: 03 NOUAKCHOTT 489

Classified By: Ambassador Mark M. Boulware for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d).


1. (C) Summary: Sghair Ould M'Bareck is a Haratine (Black
Moor) with extensive experience in Mauritanian government,
and says he will strengthen democracy in Mauritania if
elected. He accused the United States of encouraging a
"radical" opposition, and maintains the June 6 elections are
the solution to the crisis. Although he makes several
insightful analyses of the Mauritanian political scene, his
real motives must be called into question, given his admitted
financing by Aziz supporters and participation in
unilaterally-imposed elections. End summary.


2. (C) PolAsst met with presidential candidate Sghair Ould
M'Bareck May 21. M'Bareck, a Haratine (Black Moor),entered
the race at the last minute, ensuring that all major social
groups (White Moor, Black Moor, and Afro-Mauritanian) were
represented. Born in the far eastern town of Nema in 1954,
M'Bareck has a long history of government service. He served
in various ministerial posts throughout the 1990s,
culminating in his appointment as Prime Minister by President
Taya in 2003 (Ref A). M'Bareck was the first Haratine to
ever hold such a high position in Mauritania.


3. (C) Arriving at M'Bareck's campaign headquarters, PolAsst
observed a chaotic scene, with people crammed into the
spacious villa, yelling and demanding to see M'Bareck (he
later stated most of them were there to "ask for money").
Professionally printed posters with his image and slogans
such as "For the Mauritania of tomorrow" adorned the walls
and exterior of the compound, while loudspeakers blared music
and extolled the virtues of M'Bareck. In a quiet, spacious,
and well-furnished office, M'Bareck sat in a luxurious chair,
while a large poster of his image hung behind him on the wall.


4. (C) The past: M'Bareck, like many Mauritanian
politicians, insisted on providing his version of history
leading up to the present crisis. President Abdallahi had
"seemed to be the best man at the time" in the 2007
elections, because he was moderate, an experienced economist,

and far removed from the political scene on account of his
many years spent living abroad. However, Abdallahi had
mismanaged his relations with parliamentarians, M'Bareck
maintained, and continued to provide other well-worn examples
of Abdallahi's supposed "mismanagement" that led to the
present crisis.


5. (C) The present: M'Bareck labeled the FNDD as "extreme"
in calling for the return of President Abdallahi. As for
Ahmed Ould Daddah and the RFD, he deemed their opposition to
the coup "very curious," given their initial full support for
Aziz and his coup. As for M'Bareck himself, he said he was
completely neutral: "I am neither for Sidi (President
Abdallahi),nor the military." However, he said he had
participated in the junta-organized National Dialogue on
Democracy ("I never missed a session") and maintained that
"presidential elections were the solution to the crisis."
Stating that he would not have participated in biased
elections, he implied that he regarded the current elections
as fair. Furthermore, he was against any delay in elections,
because the "opposition was not serious" about negotiations.
He thought it "bizarre" however, that the Senegalese
mediators in town had not consulted any of the presidential
candidates as to their thoughts on a possible election delay.
(Note: Ironically, M'Bareck and the other two candidates
Ibrahima Sarr and Hamidou Baba Kane were summoned by
Senegalese Foreign Minister Gadio a few hours after this
meeting to discuss the election. End note.)


6. (C) His candidacy: As for why he entered the race,
M'Bareck declared "I couldn't remain a spectator" as
Mauritania muddled through its political crisis. He said
Mauritania could not afford to "remain hostage" to the

NOUAKCHOTT 00000358 002 OF 002


opposition, and he wanted to contribute towards a solution.
Stating that democracy in Mauritania was an evolutionary
process that would take time, he condemned the political
parties, which "only served the aspirations of their
leaders." Therefore, he was running as an independent
candidate, free from any political bloc. If elected
president, M'Bareck said the first thing he would do is
"strengthen democracy in Mauritania." Otherwise there would
be more instability leading to coup after coup. He would
open his government to all political blocs and work against
the exercising of personal power and "cults of personality."
Railing against the dizzying array of political parties in
Mauritania, he questioned why a country of only 3 million
people needed more than 70 political parties. He proposed
grouping the political class into three main "currents":
left, right, and center. Any two currents could unite to
form a ruling coalition. Such a system would stabilize
democratic institutions, he maintained. He mentioned almost
as an afterthought national unity, anti-slavery efforts, and
securing Mauritania against terrorism as other facets of his
campaign.


7. (C) Campaign financing: Asked directly about rumors that
he had received campaign financing from the junta, M'Bareck
was blunt. "My expenses for the campaign have been
enormous." He said he had solicited "a dozen or so"
businessmen for support, because "this is how it works in
Mauritania." He rattled off the names of several businessmen
(including prominent Aziz financiers Mohamed Hmayenne
Bouamatou and Azizi Ould El Mamay, both members of Aziz's
tribe). As an example, he stated that El Mamay had given him
5 million ouguiyas (approximately $18,500 US) for his
campaign. He maintained that if he had only sought financial
assistance from one person, that would be an issue, but
because he had asked several people for assistance, there was
no conflict of interest. "It's not like I went to the
Iranians for money," he declared.


8. (C) The U.S. role: M'Bareck had much to say about the
United States. He asserted that the U.S. had a great
responsibility to work towards "reducing the intransigence of
the radical opposition." He argued that the U.S. had
aggravated the crisis by encouraging the opposition to
maintain an "unrealistic" position. The return of President
Abdallahi was not a solution to the crisis -- Mauritania
faced real challenges such as drug trafficking and terrorism,
and needed to resolve the crisis now. The United States had
an important role to play in that resolution, but maintaining
alliances with "Marxists and Islamists" (i.e., Mohamed Ould
Maouloud's UFP party and Jemil Ould Mansour's Tawassoul
party) did not help.


9. (C) Comment: M'Bareck is an intelligent, well-spoken man
with a great deal of experience in politics and government.
Many of the points he makes, such as the absurdity of having
70-odd parties in Mauritania, are incisive. However, his
admitted financing by Aziz supporters and candidacy in
unilaterally-imposed elections calls into question his
motives and stated desire to put Mauritania on the correct
democratic track. Since losing his Prime Minister post after
the overthrow of Taya in 2005, M'Bareck has been "parked" in
a ceremonial governmental position ("Ombudsman of the
Republic") that has no power. M'Bareck may view standing as
a candidate as his way to get back in the government's good
graces and reclaim some of his lost prestige and power. End
comment.
BOULWARE