Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
09MANAGUA301
2009-03-19 21:40:00
CONFIDENTIAL
Embassy Managua
Cable title:  

VISIT NICARAGUA! NO VISA NEEDED

Tags:  SMIG CVIS ASEC PGOV PREL NU 
pdf how-to read a cable
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TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 3909
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C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 MANAGUA 000301 

SIPDIS

DEPT FOR WHA/CEN, WHA/PPC,INR/IAA
DEPT ALSO FOR G/TIP, IO/RHS, DRL AND PRM
DEPT FOR DS/CR/OCI
DEPT ALSO FOR CA/FPP
DEPT PASS TO USOAS AND USAID
MONTREAL FOR USICAO
PANAMA FOR REGIONAL ICE REP
DOJ FOR CBP AND ICE
TREASURY FOR SENICH

E.O. 12958: DECL: 03/17/2019
TAGS: SMIG CVIS ASEC PGOV PREL NU
SUBJECT: VISIT NICARAGUA! NO VISA NEEDED

REF: A. MANAGUA 260

B. 2007 MANAGUA 2577

C. 2007 MANAGUA 2551

D. 2007 MANAGUA 2544

E. 2007 MANAGUA 1902

Classified By: Charge d'Affaires, a.i. Richard M. Sanders, reasons 1.4
(b & d)


C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 MANAGUA 000301

SIPDIS

DEPT FOR WHA/CEN, WHA/PPC,INR/IAA
DEPT ALSO FOR G/TIP, IO/RHS, DRL AND PRM
DEPT FOR DS/CR/OCI
DEPT ALSO FOR CA/FPP
DEPT PASS TO USOAS AND USAID
MONTREAL FOR USICAO
PANAMA FOR REGIONAL ICE REP
DOJ FOR CBP AND ICE
TREASURY FOR SENICH

E.O. 12958: DECL: 03/17/2019
TAGS: SMIG CVIS ASEC PGOV PREL NU
SUBJECT: VISIT NICARAGUA! NO VISA NEEDED

REF: A. MANAGUA 260

B. 2007 MANAGUA 2577

C. 2007 MANAGUA 2551

D. 2007 MANAGUA 2544

E. 2007 MANAGUA 1902

Classified By: Charge d'Affaires, a.i. Richard M. Sanders, reasons 1.4
(b & d)



1. (C) SUMMARY. On Friday, March 13, 2009, during a
late-night event Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega signed a
presidential decree relaxing visa requirements for foreigners
seeking to visit Nicaragua. Initial media reports that
Nicaragua was removing visa requirements for all countries
appear to be exaggerations. Even so, more than 70 countries
(mostly African, South Asian and the Eurasian Republics) may
stand to benefit from the new changes. In announcing the
change, Ortega alluded to an expected and in our view
improbable tourism boom. The Minister of Tourism, who was at
Ortega,s side throughout the event, was charged with
developing and implementing the policy changes. Nicaragua's
Foreign Ministry and Immigration Office were nowhere visible
nor mentioned at the event. Public reaction was first
alarmist, then dismissive. Still, as with Ortega's 2007
decision to grant Iran and Libya "visa-free" status, there
has been almost no public discussion of several serious
questions, including whether Ortega's decision is
inconsistent with Nicaragua's obligations under the 2005
Central America 4 (CA-4) Accord on Migration and whether
Nicaragua has anticipated how it might handle a large influx
of third-country migrants. END SUMMARY.

Ortega Goes "Visa-Free"
- - - - - - - - - - - -


2. (U) On Friday, February 13, 2009, during one of his
signature late-night public rallies, Nicaraguan President
Daniel Ortega signed Presidential Decree 07-2009 to relax
visa requirements to enter Nicaragua. Initial media reports
were that Ortega's decree had abolished all visa requirements
to visit Nicaragua. However, subsequent information

indicated that only about 70 countries would be affected. As
of March 19, neither the Government of Nicaragua (GON) nor
the President's Office had released either the official
decree text or the text of Ortega's remarks. Our contacts at
the Immigration Office and at the Foreign Ministry's Consular
Division were unaware of the change as late as Monday, March

16.

Ortega's Populist Appeal, Can It Generate Tourists?
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - -


3. (SBU) Ortega's main (public) motivations appears to be increasing tourism to Nicaragua and burnishing his populist credentials as an opponent of border restrictions. An unofficial decree text in circulation notes the government's interest to "promote investment and attract capital," and the fact that "the tourism industry has improved and generated large revenues for the country." During the event, Ortega was flanked by Minister of Tourism Mario Salinas, who was assigned to develop and implement the Government's plan for the new policy. Salinas later said he expected an immediate up-tick in tourism as soon as the upcoming Holy Week holiday. Ortega stated that, "this measure is part of a series of actions to develop the country, because now tourists may visit our country without suffering the embarrassing (visa) process." Tourism industry representatives have long lobbied for lighter visa regulations, though no indications exist that Africans, Central Asians or Southeast Asians deferred tourism to Nicaragua due to visa requirements.


4. (SBU) Some national figures have observed that Ortega
perhaps believed he was sticking it to the "gringos." His
Friday speech repeatedly invoked Ortega's "champion of all
the world's poor" image. Well-aware that immigration and
border security are "evergreen" issues for the USG, some
critics here have sought to paint this as a brewing bilateral
dispute over USG border security. Vice Foreign Minister
Manuel Coronel Kautz disparaged the "reduced security"
arguments, noting instead that the "United States is full of
traffickers, law-breakers and Mafia." In subsequent comments
on Monday and Tuesday Ortega lashed out at critics -- calling
them "boot-lickers of the gringos" -- re-asserted his
"populist equality" arguments. He referred to the United
States as "terrorists who throw bombs like the ones at
Hiroshima and Nagasaki."

Nicaragua's Visa Classification System: A Primer
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -


5. (SBU) Nicaragua's visa policy is nominally governed by the 2005 CA-4 Migration Accord (the Accord),which established common standards within the CA-4 area (El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua). Articles IV and VI of the Accord establish three different country categories governing visa issuance -- A, B, and C -- into which all countries and international organizations are divided. The "A-class" countries (originally numbering 79) effectively enjoy visa waiver status. For a nominal fee, foreign travelers may apply for a "tourist card" or entry stamp upon arrival at a Nicaraguan port of entry (POE). The United States, Canada and most European and Latin American nations fall into this group. It also includes Kuwait, Malaysia, Qatar and Taiwan. The "B-class" countries number 72 and are predominately in Africa, Central and Southeast Asia and the Pacific. It also includes Bolivia, Peru, Belarus, Russia, Serbia, Egypt, the Emirates, and Saudi Arabia. These visas could be issued by Nicaraguan embassies and consulates abroad, without consultation or personal appearance by the applicant. It is this "B-class" group (plus India) which appears to have been "upgraded" to "A-class" by Ortega. For the "C-class" countries (originally numbering 43) visa issuance required consulates to seek approval from Managua before issuing a visa. Iran and Libya had also been in this group until December 2007, when Ortega issued a similar decree "promoting" both countries to "A-class," as he appears to have now done with India (REF D). The current "C-class " group comprises 40 countries, including the Afghanistan, Iraq, Jordan, North Korea, Pakistan, the PRC, Syria and the Palestinian Authority. Cuba appears on this list with a note that only El Salvador imposes the "prior approval" restriction. For the other three signatories, Cuba is an "A-class" nation.

Does This Violate The Migration Accord?
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -


6. (C) Two Nicaraguan legal experts we consulted, one a
former Government official involved in negotiating the
Accord, have told us that, in their view, Ortega's decree
probably violates Nicaragua's obligations under the CA-4
Migration Accord. They pointed out that common visa
categories are clearly established by the Accord (as noted
above),and the Accord provides a remedy to modify the
agreement under Article XII, paragraph 5. The section
requires that any changes be adopted by consensus and be
subject to national ratification procedures. Our contacts
assert that Ortega's decree violates this provision. They
also note that Article IX expressly prohibits any signatory
from entering into third-party agreements that simplify or
eliminate the established visa categories, which Ortega's
decree does. However they also explained that Ortega could
utilize several arguments in defense of his actions. First,
his decree is not a third-party bilateral agreement, but a
unilateral administrative decision. Second, he could invoke
the sovereignty clause, taking an expansive view of Article X
that "nothing in the Accord will be interpreted as a partial
or total renunciation over national territory." Third, he
could be calculating that like the changes of December 2007
for Iran and Libya, the other three signatories will not take
issue with his actions. Fourth, as the Director of
Immigration has argued publicly, the GON has not abolished
the visa requirement for Class B countries, but has
simplified the process by allowing foreigners who qualify to
be issued visas upon arrival at POEs.

If So, So What?
- - - - - - - -


7. (C) If the other CA-4 signatories are bothered by
Ortega's decree, our legal contacts identified three possible
reactions that El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras could
take. One option would be to ignore Ortega, especially given
the unlikelihood that hordes of Central Asian or Africa
migrants would flood into Nicaragua -- at least in the
immediate future. A second option would be to make no public
criticism, but adjust their own internal processes to give
more scrutiny for in-bound travelers from Nicaragua. A
third, but unlikely option would be for them to take issue
with Ortega, perhaps even in public, and invoke the
provisions of the Accord regarding modifications. Our
contacts believe the second course is the most likely.


COMMENT
- - - -


8. (C) We find it difficult to believe that the new visa
regime will generate significant new legitimate tourism for
Nicaragua. A more likely and long-term result would be a
persistent and increasing flow of third- and fourth-world
"tourists" whose true goal was northward migration. In this
regard, Ortega has probably correctly gauged the likely
(non-)reaction of the other CA-4 nations, at least initially.
Only Honduras shares a land border and would be slow in
reacting to new migrant flows. There is no significant or
regular commercial water-borne transit. To the south, Costa
Rica, already weary of illegal Nicaraguan migrants, is more
likely to react first with increased border scrutiny.
Furthermore, while most new "tourists" would depart Nicaragua
quickly, becoming problems for the other CA-4 nations and
perhaps Mexico and the United States; over time some would
remain in Nicaragua, which is ill-equipped to handle the
existing social burden of migrants.
SANDERS