SAUDI AUTHORITIES CRACK DOWN ON SHIA IN AL-AHSA

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 DHAHRAN 000246

NOFORN
SIPDIS

DEPT FOR NEA/ARP JOSHUA HARRIS AND JEREMY BERNDT

E.O. 12958: DECL: 9/16/2019
TAGS: KIRF KISL PGOV PHUM SA
SUBJECT: SAUDI AUTHORITIES CRACK DOWN ON SHIA IN AL-AHSA

REF: A. A. 09 DHAHRAN 210

B. B. 09 DHAHRAN 217

C. C. 09 DHAHRAN 8

DHAHRAN 00000246 001.2 OF 003


CLASSIFIED BY: Kevin Kreutner, Acting Consul General, EXEC, DOS.

REASON: 1.4 (b),(d)
SUMMARY

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1. (C) Saudi authorities have stepped up discriminatory actions
against Shia citizens in the Eastern Province (EP) oasis of
al-Ahsa over the past year. Contacts point to the governor of
al-Ahsa, HH Prince Badr bin Mohammad bin Abdullah Al Saud, as
the main force behind the most recent uptick in sectarian
arrests and mosque closings. However, they have also noted that
these actions are likely sanctioned by the EP Governor, Prince
Mohammed bin Fahd Al Saud, and the Interior Minister, Prince
Nayef bin Abdulaziz Al Saud. Several contacts have said that
the discrimination in al-Ahsa is alienating the Shia community,
particularly the youth, and is compromising their sense of Saudi
"national identity." END SUMMARY.

SECTARIAN ARRESTS CONTINUE IN AL-AHSA

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2. (C/NF) During an August 17 visit to al-Ahsa, an oasis home to
one million residents (more than half of which are estimated to
be Shia),PolOff met with two prominent businessmen and Shia
political activists: XXXXXXXXXXXX and XXXXXXXXXXXX.
The former was recently elected to the XXXXXXXXXXXX, and both contacts participated in a USG-sponsored
visit of American civil institutions XXXXXXXXXXXX.



3. (C/NF) XXXXXXXXXXXX provided PolOff with a list of 42 Shia
individuals who have been arrested over the past year in
al-Ahsa. The list included their age, length and dates of
detention, and reason for the arrest. In most cases, these
individuals were arrested for their "participation in religious
celebrations" and for hosting Shia religious gatherings. In
many cases, they were arrested this summer, although the alleged
offenses occurred in January 2009 at Ashura religious
processions. Our contacts were unsure why the authorities
waited so long to make these arrests. XXXXXXXXXXXX noted that
virtually all of those arrested were freed after detentions of
about one or two weeks, adding that some of the people on the
list provided to PolOff had asked that their names not be
publicly reported for fear of further reprisals from the
authorities or extremist Sunni citizens. [NOTE: Last month, the
religious celebration of the birth of Imam al-Mahdi in al-Ahsa
was also broken up by Saudi security forces (ref A). END NOTE]

CLOSING SHIA MOSQUES

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4. (C/NF) Many of the myriad towns that comprise the greater
al-Ahsa oasis are either entirely Sunni or entirely Shia. XXXXXXXXXXXX said that in Sunni areas there are "forests of [Sunni] mosques" and even in entirely Shia areas there is at least one Sunni
mosque. Sunni mosques are generally funded and operated by the
Ministry of Endowments (Wizarat al-Awqaaf),and the approval
process to build these mosques is straightforward. Sadek joked
that if "just one Sunni complains" that he must travel too far
to attend mosque the government will approve and fund a new
mosque "tomorrow."


5. (C) According to several contacts, building a Shia mosque in
al-Ahsa is very challenging. In 1998, the Saudi authorities
announced new licensing requirements for Shia mosques in al-Ahsa
and have since closed approximately 20 mosques. Many of these
mosques were in operation for more than a decade before being
closed. The authorities often used tactics similar to what is
currently being done in al-Khobar to force the closures (for
more on al-Khobar mosque closings see ref B),including cutting
off electricity to the mosques and threatening the arrest of the
property owner.


6. (C/NF) XXXXXXXXXXXX described the licensing process as inconsistent and difficult to navigate. For example, the designs and
building plan for the Imam al-Reda mosque received the necessary
approvals from the Ministry of Endowments and municipal
authorities. However, after the construction of the building
was more than half completed, the governor of al-Ahsa, HH Prince
Badr bin Abdullah Al Saud, halted progress citing the building's
violation of height restrictions. XXXXXXXXXXXX told
PolOff that his family recently constructed a mosque of a
similar height in a different part of al-Ahsa, which received
the same approvals. In their view, the arbitrary restrictions
on mosques imposed by the Saudi authorities (height, size,
proximity to other Shia mosques) are simply sectarian-based
harassment and discrimination of the Shia. (NOTE: XXXXXXXXXXXX took PolOff on a tour of several Shia mosques in al-Ahsa, including
the partially constructed Imam al-Reda mosque, whose
construction was stopped for approximately two years. END NOTE)

PRINCE BADR, THE GOVERNOR OF AL-AHSA

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7. (C/NF) Several human rights activists in the EP have cited
Prince Badr as the source of the sectarian crackdown in al-Ahsa.
XXXXXXXXXXXX said that the Prince's discrimination against the Shia is "systemic and intentional." XXXXXXXXXXXX who met Prince Badr on several occasions when obtaining approvals for the construction
of his family's mosque, believes that the prince is an "all
around bad governor" surrounded by "sectarian advisors." Other
contacts in the EP have echoed these sentiments. XXXXXXXXXXXX (strictly protect),a self-proclaimed human rights
activist originally from al-Ahsa, believes Badr is "extreme" in
his discrimination. "All of this discrimination nonsense is new
[in al-Ahsa]." He recalled as a child that his neighborhood was
mixed Shia-Sunni and he was breast-fed by a Shia woman (Ibrahim
is from a Sunni family),which he believes is "impossible"
today. XXXXXXXXXXXX (strictly protect),the XXXXXXXXXXXX, warned that Prince Badr is "playing with
fire" by harassing al-Ahsa's Shia residents.


8. (C/NF) During an initial courtesy call visit to Prince Badr
(strictly protect) in March 2009, when sectarian tensions were
nearing their peak, Badr told the Consul General that Shia-Sunni
relations were "cordial" in al-Ahsa and that there were "no
problems" between the "brothers." He said that the foreign
media "exaggerates" sectarian problems, but acknowledged that
diversity can be a "double-edged sword." He also noted that his
primary concern has always been security. King Abdullah
recently extended Prince Badr's term as the governor of al-Ahsa
for an additional four years. Prince Badr has served as
governor of al-Ahsa since 1997, just before the Shia mosques in
al-Ahsa were targeted for closure in 1998.

PRINCE BADR HAS SUPPORT FROM THE

INTERIOR MINISTER AND EP GOVERNOR

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9. (C) Many of the same contacts who accuse Prince Badr of
discrimination in al-Ahsa also view the Eastern Province
Governor HRH Prince Mohammed bin Fahd Al Saud and his uncle the
Interior Minister HRH Prince Nayef bin Abdulaziz Al Saud as
responsible for the problem. Some believe these two powerful
princes tacitly support discriminatory practices in al-Ahsa and
elsewhere in the EP. Others have even accused the princes of
ordering local authorities, such as Prince Badr, to implement
discriminatory policies themselves. In any case, as most of our
contacts readily point out, neither of the princes have stepped
in to end the discrimination.

DISCRIMINATION FOCUSED ON THE YOUTH

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10. (C/NF) When asked how the Shia community is reacting to the
most recent crackdown, XXXXXXXXXXXX replied that "the discrimination gap is bigger than ever." He was especially worried about the youth, noting that they "don't have a voice that is listened to"
and are losing their sense of a "national identity." The vast
majority of those recently arrested in al-Ahsa were under the
age of 30. He also noted that the sectarian clashes that took
place in Medina (ref C) largely involved young men from al-Ahsa.
These views echo similar concerns across the Shia community
that the youth are increasingly frustrated with the status quo.


COMMENT

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11. (C) King Abdullah's recent extension of Prince Badr as
governor of al-Ahsa has irked many Shia and human rights
activists in the EP who view him as the primary antagonist and
barrier to improved sectarian relations. It has also lowered
their expectations for positive results from the King's widely
publicized interfaith and national dialogues. END COMMENT.
KREUTNER