KURDISH ACTIVIST MESHAAL TAMMO SENTENCED, DAMASCUS

C O N F I D E N T I A L DAMASCUS 000343

SIPDIS

DEPARTMENT FOR NEA/ELA, DRL/NECSA FOR CHERYL HARRIS
LONDON FOR TSOU, PARIS FOR WALLER

E.O. 12958: DECL: 05/14/2019
TAGS: PHUM PGOV PREL SY
SUBJECT: KURDISH ACTIVIST MESHAAL TAMMO SENTENCED, DAMASCUS
DECLARATION FOUNDER MICHEL KILO TO BE RELEASED.

REF: A. 07 DAMASCUS 00445

B. DAMASCUS 00306

Classified By: CDA MAURA CONNELLY FOR REASONS 1.4 (B) AND (D)


1. (C) SUMMARY: The First Criminal Court of Damascus
sentenced Meshaal Tammo, leader of the Kurdish Future
Movement, to three and one half years in prison on May 11.
The judge did not permit Tammo to speak in his defense,
though Tammo had a prepared statement he had intended to read
in court. In a post-trial meeting Damascus Declaration
Secretariat General members Amin Obeidi and Riad al-Turk
(strictly protect both),Obeidi contended that Meshaal's
sentencing was a warning message to all Kurds that political
opposition would not be tolerated. These activists also
believed the SARG would initiate additional criminal
procedures against Tammo in order to lengthen his sentence
once he was in prison. Riad al-Turk and Beirut-Damascus
Declaration signatory Najati Tayara (strictly protect)
reported they feared the SARG would not release Michel Kilo
(ref A) on May 15 as scheduled. END SUMMARY.

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The Sentencing
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2. (SBU) In front of a packed courtroom, First Criminal Court
Judge Mahi al-Din Hallak sentenced Meshaal Tammo to three and
a half years in prison on May 11. The original sentence was
six years, but the judge reduced it to three and a half years
with no explanation. Tammo, who was arrested on August 15,
2008, was convicted under Articles 285 (weakening the
national sentiment in a time of war or inciting racist or
sectarian feelings) and 286 (willfully spreading false news
to weaken national sentiment or incite racist/sectarian
feelings) of the Syrian Penal Code. Tammo's additional
charges under Articles 287, 288, 298 (inciting civil war or
sectarian fighting by arming Syrians or encouraging them to
carry them),and 307 (inciting civil war or sectarian
violence through writing or speech) were left unmentioned by
the court. The judge did not permit Tammo to present an oral
defense statement and as soon as the verdict had been
rendered, the judge and all other court personnel beat a
hasty retreat to their chambers, even though roughly 12
other defendants were waiting in the holding cell for their
hearing. Tammo remarked to the crowd that the judgment was
unfair and that he would continue to "fight for the freedom
of opinion and expression." Police removed Tammo from the
holding cell and reportedly transported him to Adra prison.


3. (U) Diplomatic representatives from Denmark, Finland,
France, Switzerland, Austria, the E.U. Commission, Germany,
the Netherlands, Belgium, Norway, and Canada attended the
trial as did Tammo's family, friends, Future Movement
colleagues, and other civil society activists.

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MESSAGE TO THE KURDS
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4. (C) The court's refusal to allow the defense statement was
an unprecedented and technically illegal maneuver, according
to several Kurdish activists who argued the judge's refusal
to allow Tammo to speak denied his due process rights under
Syrian law (Note: Tammo's lawyers had submitted his defense
to the judge in writing).


5. (C) Amid Obeidi described the sentencing as a "message to
the Kurdish opposition" that the SARG would characterize
Kurdish opposition as a "separatist activity" and punish
opposition figures accordingly. Tammo's conviction, Obeidi
continued, reflected the SARG's ongoing crackdown on all
Kurdish activities. He said he fully expected the SARG to
initiate further proceedings against Tammo after his
incarceration. "If one looks at the Tammo sentence in the
context of other Kurds imprisoned for separatist activities,
like the PKK," Obeidi elaborated, "one usually sees a
moderate sentence of one to two years followed by additional
charges after the individual is in prison." Obeidi did note,
though, that Tammo was not convicted based on Article 298,
which would have resulted in a much harsher sentence.


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SCHEDULED RELEASE OF MICHEL KILO
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6. (C) During our post-Tammo trial meeting with Obeidi, we
also had the opportunity to discuss Damascus Declaration
founding member Michel Kilo's scheduled May 15 release with
Riad al-Turk and Najati Tayara. Both men seriously doubted
the SARG would actually release Kilo. "We expect the worst,"
Turk said. Tayara chimed in that Kilo's was not a "normal
case." According to Tayara, President Asad had laid out for
Abdulaziz Mughraby, Vice President of the Arab Lawyers Union,
precisely how Kilo's release should proceed. Tayara added
that the Asad - Mughraby conversation had been confirmed to
him by Talal Salman, editor of As-Safir newspaper. Asad's
plan, Tayara said, was that Kilo would be released on May 15
into the custody of the General Intelligence Directorate, at
which point Kilo would be asked to sign an "apology to Asad"
in order to gain his final release. If Kilo refused, Tayara
doubted the GID would let him go; rather, they would hold him
until they could develop new charges against him.


7. (C) Norwegian diplomats told us they had recently spoken
to Kilo's wife; she expected the SARG to coerce Kilo into
signing an apology of some sort. She reportedly stated Kilo
would never sign such a document, a decision with which she
wholeheartedly agreed. The E.U. released a press statement on
May 13 citing its "commitment to the freedom of expression"
for Syrians as "laid down in the International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights ratified by Syria on 21 April
1969." The E.U.'s statement also expressed "regret" for the
court ruling against Tammo and called upon the SARG to
"respect its international commitments and to release Mr.
Meshal Tammo and all other prisoners of conscience."


8. (C) COMMENT: The SARG has a history of trumping up new
charges against activists once they are in prison, the most
recent examples being the cases of prisoners of conscience
Kamal Labwani and Walid al-Bunni. It remains a distinct
possibility that with the help of common criminals who are
willing to testify against their fellow inmates, the Syrian
courts might yet press ahead on the more severe charges left
unaddressed at Tammo's sentencing. At the same time, we note
the three and a half year sentence is less than our contacts
in the human rights community expected. Given the E.U.
statement, and pending any Department guidance (ref B) on a
Syria human rights policy review, the Department might
consider linking a general comment on prisoners of conscience
to the E.U.'s, but without naming Tammo individually to avoid
singling him out for harsher treatment by the SARG.
CONNELLY