STUDENT MOVEMENT STRUGGLES UNDER WEIGHT OF PUBLIC

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 CARACAS 000781

SIPDIS

HQSOUTHCOM ALSO FOR POLAD
DEPARTMENT PASS TO AID/OTI (RPORTER)

E.O. 12958: DECL: 06/02/2029
TAGS: PGOV KDEM VE
SUBJECT: STUDENT MOVEMENT STRUGGLES UNDER WEIGHT OF PUBLIC
EXPECTATIONS

REF: CARACAS 00760

CARACAS 00000781 001.2 OF 002


Classified By: POLITICAL COUNSELOR FRANCISCO FERNANDEZ,
FOR REASON 1.4(D)


1. (C) Summary: Student leaders are expressing frustration
with mounting political pressure and the high expectations
placed on them as one of the few credible groups in Venezuela
who can counter President Chavez's increasing
authoritarianism. Less than a week after the June 13 death
of a student activist during an opposition protest (reftel),
arsonists destroyed the student federation building at the
Central University of Venezuela (UCV). Amid this violence,
most students are beginning their summer vacations this month
and some political observers predict that the Bolivarian
Republic of Venezuela (GBRV) will enact its most
controversial measures in coming weeks to avoid a student-led
backlash. End Summary.

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VIOLENCE ESCALATES AT UCV
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2. (SBU) Unidentified persons burned down the building that
houses UCV's student federation in the early morning hours of
June 18. According to the federation's president, student
leader Ricardo Sanchez, a "commando" group carrying weapons
entered the offices and provoked the fire, destroying files,
computers, and furniture. Sanchez blamed the fire on
Minister of Justice Tarek El Aissami and Attorney General
Luisa Ortega Diaz for their "omission of responsibility"
which he says created an environment of impunity for violent
acts. El Aissami pointed the finger at UCV's rector, Cecilia
Garcia, for being "complicit in the violence" and called for
her resignation if she cannot maintain control over the
security of the university premises. He rejected Garcia's
calls for a meeting with his ministry, pointing out that he
had sought a meeting in the past with her and said she had
canceled it and "showed disrespect toward the authorities."


3. (C) UCV has been embroiled in ongoing conflict between
pro-government and opposition supporters for the past month.
Students complained to PAS staff last week that Garcia has
not taken a strong enough stance against Chavista agitators
on campus. They noted that the rector at the University of
Carabobo cracked down after several opposition students were
killed in a confrontation with Chavista students in March
2009, resulting in arrests and some retaliatory violence.
Nevertheless, according to the students, the university has
been quiet and orderly since.

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STUDENTS FEEL THE PRESSURE
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4. (C) Students remain the group with the most credibility
in Venezuela, polling higher even than the Catholic Church.
Youth activists themselves have attributed this legitimacy to
their reluctance to publicly align closely with specific
parties, preferring to rally behind issues or broad concepts
such as democracy. They also have solid and credible
grassroots connections. Due to relatively inexpensive
tuition at public universities, students from across the
country and from varying backgrounds are able to attend, many
of them on scholarship. Even in poor barrios, many
Venezuelans have at least one family member at a university,
making their experiences -- and any state-sponsored
repression -- intimately felt by members all along the
political spectrum. Ricardo Sanchez told Poloffs June 4 that
a student-led protest generated 20,000 people on May 20,
compared to a much smaller turn-out for the
opposition-sponsored protest on May 1. He called for greater
international support for the student movement, contending
that parties feel threatened by youth activists and are
reluctant to help them.


5. (C) Nevertheless, student leaders have complained to
Poloffs that they feel overburdened by their role as the
guardians of democracy in Venezuela. Youth activist David
Smolansky, from the private Andres Bello Catholic University
(UCAB),told Poloffs June 5 that he felt frustrated by the
expectations placed on the student movement to confront
Chavez, noting that "we can't do it all by ourselves." He
complained that student activists held constant meetings that
were uncoordinated and had no formal decisionmaking
mechanism. He said he has no time to relax and "read a book

CARACAS 00000781 002.2 OF 002


in peace." Smolansky nevertheless expressed some interest in
remaining involved in politics after his graduation in July
and said he had received offers from opposition parties to
join. He acknowledged that while opposition parties are
discredited in Venezuela, they are also the underpinnings of
democracy. Smolansky added that some student leaders were
planning to run in upcoming elections, but commented that "a
24-year-old can't be president!"


6. (C) Student leaders have also long confided their
concerns to Poloffs about their personal safety. Youth
activists often engage in repeated confrontations with
poorly-trained police who are controlled by local Chavista
governments. Particularly in crime-ridden Caracas, it is
difficult to discern between criminal and political violence.
Student leaders have had their cars set on fire, tires
slashed, and been kidnapped and killed. While it is unlikely
that this violence has been directly sanctioned by the GBRV,
each incident feeds to a sense of paranoia about
state-sponsored intimidation. Following the April arrest of
former Minister of Defense Raul Baduel, a student leader told
Poloff that for the first time he was avoiding protests for
fear of being arrested.

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POLITICS ON CAMPUS
--------------


7. (C) Public universities' elected student federations
have considerable budgetary and decisionmaking authority, and
their leaders often act as spokesmen for the
highly-publicized student movement. Some observers have
noted that these relatively powerful positions incur
problems, such as corruption, like any other public office.
Given Venezuela's politicized and depressed labor market,
many students continue to pursue degree after degree for
years -- entrenching some in campus politics. Sanchez, who
has been elected twice to the UCV federation presidency, said
he planned to put off graduation. Student leaders who have
graduated -- including Freddy Guevara, Yon Goicochea, and
Stalin Gonzalez -- have joined political parties and sought
public office, but must contend with the heavy-handed
leadership of the party heavyweights.


8. (C) Sanchez had warned Polcouns in late 2008 that
opposition-oriented student leaders might lose control of
their campuses within the next few years. Following the
student-led defeat of Chavez's constitutional referendum in
December 2007, the GBRV pushed to lower the rigorous
acceptance standards for public universities -- apparently an
attempt to increase the number of students with Chavista
inclinations, and thus the politics of their elected student
officials. Observers note that within the University of the
Andes (ULA),half of the professional schools are now
controlled by Chavista student representatives. A staffer
for the National Assembly told Poloff June 16 that Chavez
would wait to pass controversial education legislation until
August, when most students and teachers would be on vacation.

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COMMENT
--------------


9. (C) Since erupting on the scene following the 2007
closure of Radio Caracas TV, the student movement has become
the darling of the media and the political opposition. It is
not uncommon to hear opposition politicians refer to student
leaders as the "hope" for Venezuela's future. Although their
credibility is unparalleled, students face tremendous
pressure to recreate their original successes -- a role that
is unrealistic particularly for a group mostly comprised of
people under the age of 25. While Chavez cannot directly
confront students without risking public backlash, the GBRV
has been using more indirect methods to undercut their
universities, a political tact that may also diminish the
quality of institutions that have enjoyed a solid academic
reputation. End Comment.

CAULFIELD