STEINMEIER'S OPEN LETTER TO PRESIDENT-ELECT OBAMA

UNCLAS BERLIN 000034


STATE FOR EUR/CE/HODGES, PIERANGELO, LUNA

E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: AFSN GM MNUC NATO PGOV PREL IZ IR
SUBJECT: STEINMEIER'S OPEN LETTER TO PRESIDENT-ELECT OBAMA


1. (U) SUMMARY: A two-page open letter from German Foreign
Minister Steinmeier to President-elect Barack Obama was
published over the weekend of January 10-11 in Der Spiegel
magazine. Steinmeier wrote that an incoming American
president has never stimulated "so much hope and confidence,"
and he welcomed Obama,s stated willingness to work closely
with allies to shape a common future. In the letter,
Steinmeier broached a number of foreign policy issues that he
hopes to work on in coordination with the incoming
administration, including Guantanamo, Iraq, Afghanistan, and
Russia. (See para. 5 for full translation). End summary.


2. (U) In the open letter, Foreign Minister Frank-Walter
Steinmeier welcomes Obama,s pledge to close Guantanamo and
says that the new Administration should not be "left in a
lurch" by the international community and Europe in dealing
with the inmates. He encourages Obama to stick to his pledge
to engage Iran in direct dialogue, arguing that doing so is
"neither a weakness nor a concession." On Iraq, he announces
that Germany, notwithstanding its opposition to the war, is
ready to increase its assistance in rebuilding the country,
especially in the health care and education sectors. He
notes that he will soon visit Iraq to, among other things,
review possible projects.


3. (U) On Afghanistan, Steinmeier notes that Germany has
increased its engagement, but emphasizes the need to
"gradually" transfer responsibility to the Afghans for taking
care of their own security. In resolving conflicts in
Afghanistan and elsewhere, Steinmeier plays down the role of
military force: "I am convinced that the strongest military
battalions alone cannot defeat terror and hatred. Peace is
only possible when we convince people of a better alternative
to hostility and violence."


4. (U) On Russia, Steinmeier urges taking President Medvedev
"at his word" that he is committed to modernizing Russia and
pursuing a partnership with the West. He also encourages the
new Administration to be open to discussing Medvedev,s
proposal for a new European security architecture.
Steinmeier calls for a new Harmel report on the future
orientation of NATO, saying that an "honest discussion" of
NATO enlargement policy has been put off for "too long." On
CFE, he argues that the treaty must be "urgently reformed and
preserved." He pushes for Russia and the U.S. to make further
progress on nuclear arms reductions in order to be able to
prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons. Finally, he
strongly supports the enlargement of the G8, arguing that
today,s global problems (as exemplified by the financial
crisis) could only be solved by integrating the new rising
powers in the coordination group.


5. (U) Below is the complete translation of the open letter:

Spiegel, January 12, 2009

"Standing Shoulder to Shoulder"
Open letter from Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier to
Barack Obama

Dear Barack Obama,

Last year in July, hundreds of thousands of people gathered
at Victory Column in Berlin to hear your vision of a better
America and a more peaceful world. Your words fascinated
millions of people watching on TV. You reawakened the
American Dream, for which countless people all over the world
have been admiring your country for more than 200 years. For
a society that has the power to change. That is open to new
ideas. And that gives brave people the space to take their
lives into their own hands.

In a few days, you will be the 44th U.S. President. I am now
53 years old, and never in my active memory has the
inauguration of an American president sparked so much hope
and optimism. The expectations of you are almost beyond any
human dimension. And the challenges that will confront you
from Day One are enormous: a financial system that is still
shaky, an economy on its way into recession, a world that
feels insecure, a world that is changing.

An impossible task? In any case, one that demands courage,
circumspection, and steadfastness. And certainly a new way
of thinking that questions outdated ideas and searches out
new ways.

Your campaign was exciting. You filled the people in the
U.S. and far beyond with enthusiasm for venturing into a new
future. You are planning to act in partnership and to dare
new things. That is why what we see most in the beginning of
your presidency are opportunities. Especially now. And also
for us.

The challenges that we face are enormous: creating a
transparent and reliable architecture for the world financial
system. Combating the economic crisis. Reforming global
institutions. Building new trust between East and West.
Building bridges between cultures and religions that know
little about each other. Peace and new prospects where,
today, crises dominate. Efficient measures against climate
change. Global disarmament instead of the proliferation of
more and more dangerous weapons. All this can only be
achieved together. No country in the world, and be it the
most powerful one, can solve even one of these problems on
its own.

"Together" -- that means: the United States and Europe
standing shoulder to shoulder. During the Cold War, West
Germans benefited from America's commitment to freedom and
democracy. Together, we enthusiastically celebrated the fall
of the Wall. After that, it was too often daily routine that
dominated our relations. Sometimes in the past years, I was
worried that our ties could develop rifts. But we must not
become indifferent to each other, especially now. In a world
that has become more confusing, we need a new intensity in
our cooperation. Together, we can also shape the world of
the 21st century -- if we start out courageously; if we place
the central issues of humanity at the center; and if,
together, we find answers to the questions of the future.
Let us write a new "transatlantic agenda" and fill it with
life.


A. Working Together for Stability in the Conflict Regions

Finding partners, doing away with a "them versus us"
mentality -- nothing is more important in a world in which
radical forces still abuse religious and cultural differences
to fuel hatred. Of course, nobody can tolerate the fact that
extremists threaten the foundations of our society with
violence and terror. Every nation has the responsibility to
defend its values, the security and safety of its citizens.
But no fight, even a fight against terror, should be allowed
to erode our own achievements of civilization, to compromise
democracy or the rule of law. That is why I am pleased that
you are planning to close Guantnamo. One of the most
difficult questions with regard to this is what will happen
to the detainees there. If America approaches others, I
recommend that the international community of states and
Europe not abandon the new Administration in this task.

I am convinced: Nobody can defeat terror and hate with the
strongest military battalions alone. Peace will only be
possible if we can convince people of a better alternative to
hostility and violence. If we succeed in winning their
hearts and minds. If we help make economic development and
prospects for their lives possible to guide people out of
poverty. And if we engage in dialog, even and especially
where it is difficult.

Because economic and political weights in the world are
shifting, we can take our Western values less and less for
granted. Rather, we need to advocate them, we need to build
bridges. We need to generate mutual understanding. A policy
of isolation, a policy that draws dividing lines -- that is,
in the end, a policy of weakness. Those who act in this way
show that they are not as sure of their values as they say.
I firmly believe that our common values are strong enough to
be convincing in a dialogue.

Especially in the broader Middle East. Recent events in Gaza
show how quickly the small steps of progress on the way to
peace are endangered yet again. There is no doubt: the
Middle East issue should be at the top of your
administration's priorities. We will offer close cooperation
on this. Because more than ever it is true: only dialogue
and cooperation, not suicide attacks and Qassam missiles will
lead to enduring peace. New trust and stability in the
Middle East can only grow in a system that includes all
important players in the region.

This can have its limitations, as we can see in Iran. Of
course, dialogue only makes sense if the interlocutor also
wants to see a result. Cooperation will be impossible
without the willingness to comply with internationally
respected rules. That is why the international community has
very concrete and non-negotiable commitments it expects from
Tehran: no support for terror and violence in the region, no
development of nuclear weapons. But still: to offer to enter
into dialogue with Iran is neither a show of weakness nor a
concession. It is sensible. That is why I would like to
encourage you and your team to pursue this path as you
announced.

Stability in this region will also be decided in Iraq. It
was for good reason that you were against the war six years
ago, just as I was. Today we have to look ahead together and
help the people in Iraq build up a stable and democratic
state. My country will increase its contribution, especially
in the areas of health care and education. I will shortly
travel to Iraq to see exactly where and how we can do that.

Together with you, we are also fighting for a future for
Afghanistan. You have announced more troops, but also more
engagement for reconstruction. We are also committed to a
comprehensive approach to building peace. We must gradually
help the Afghans to get to the point where they can guarantee
security in their country on their own. That is why we have
again stepped up our (military) support. But building roads,
schools and water pipes is just as important. This, too, is
our shared priority.


B. For A Common Security in East and West

Twenty years of great plans for a pan-European order of peace
and for a common security zone circling the Northern
hemisphere, from Vancouver to Vladivostok, followed the end
of the Cold War. But, unfortunately, we have far from
having achieved this objective. It is not only the thought
patterns of the Cold War that continue to prevail in the
shadows of the past. The thoughts of this era also seem to
be rooted in some minds. Distrust is dominant instead of
trust and (a commitment to) common action for the future.

Dear Barack Obama, you are a member of a new generation. You
were 28 years old when the Berlin Wall fell in 1989 and you
have been shaped less by the categories of the Cold War than
your predecessors. Quite the contrary: you said in your
speech in Berlin that those categories would need to be
overcome and that we should work to build a partnership that
comprises the entire continent -- including Russia.

Let us take Russian President Dmitry Medvedev at his word.
He, too, is a member of a new generation; he is four years
younger than you are. He has also made proposals. Let us
talk about what a renewed security architecture could look
like. Let us think about new structures for the new global
era without expecting to reach results immediately. And
without calling into question the stable foundation of our
security in the past decades: we will also need NATO in the
future. But we have for too long postponed honest
discussions about responsibilities and instead focused on
enlargement and enlargement issues. Today, we need a new
basic understanding regarding the alliance,s future
alignment -- something like a new "Harmel Report" with which
NATO gave itself a new orientation 40 years ago in a critical
phase.

As a first concrete step, we must regain lost trust, for
example through joint disarmament initiatives. The CFE
Treaty on the reduction of conventional weapons urgently has
to be reformed and preserved. We also need movement on
nuclear disarmament, on the Russian as well as the American
side. Only when Russia and the U.S. lead the way will we be
in a position to effectively fight the uncontrolled
proliferation of nuclear weapons. My impression is that you
are thinking in this direction in a very focused way. Please
know that we will also be a partner on this issue.


C. For a Global Partnership in Responsibility

We live in times in which the distribution of global power is
shifting. New powers in Asia, Africa and Latin America are
striving to enter the world stage. They will reduce the
relative weight of the U.S. and the West. The world of the
future will have many voices. It has to be our task to see
to it that the result will not be a Babylonic babble.

We will only solve the central problems of humanity if we are
able to let new powers take on global responsibilities, by
reliably integrating them into a new order. Only if they are
represented at the table as equals will they be willing to
accept global rules.

The financial summit in Washington was a new beginning in
that regard. The most important "old" and "new" powers worked
together to develop the framework of a new global financial
order.

I am committed to us further pursuing this path -- far beyond
financial questions. We must be smart in enlarging the group
of the eight most important industrialized nations and
integrating new emerging powers into a new community of
responsibility.

The global era requires new thinking. Every person, every
nation bears responsibility. Not just locally and nationally

-- but also for the world we all share. For example in
climate protection. Let us take your country. Only if the
United States is actively involved will the negotiations for
a new climate protection agreement after 2012 be successful.
That is why we are placing great hope and expectations in the
change of direction in energy and climate policy that you
have announced for your country: to move away from oil toward
renewable energies and more energy efficiency. I think the
time has come for a close energy and climate partnership
across the Atlantic. Politically, but also through developing
new technologies together. In climate protection, too, we
can achieve the most progress when we work together.


D. "Change has come to America"

Who does not recall your moving victory speech on the night
of your election victory? Like no other person, you stand for
change and a new beginning in your country. For social and
environmental modernization. For more opportunities through
education. For a more just health system. For a society
that leaves no one behind. For determined action in a time
of crisis. For this reason, many people in the whole world
feel close to you, also here in Germany.

"And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores...
our stories are singular, but our destiny is shared..." on
Election Night, this was a message not just to America, but
to the entire world: let us work together to shape our common
future.

A message that we were happy to hear! We are looking forward
to cooperating with you and your Secretary of State.
Welcome, President Obama!

Sincerely,

Frank-Walter Steinmeier


END TEXT


Koenig