ENGAGING THE ERITREAN DIASPORA

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 ASMARA 000426

SIPDIS

DEPT FOR AF/E AND AF/RSA
DEPT FOR DRL, S/P, AND S/GPI
LONDON AND PARIS FOR AFRICA WATCHERS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 12/13/2019
TAGS: PREL PREF PHUM PGOV SOCI ER
SUBJECT: ENGAGING THE ERITREAN DIASPORA

REF: ASMARA 267

Classified By: Ambassador Ronald K. McMullen for reason 1.4(d).


1. (SBU) SUMMARY: The Eritrean diaspora is a complex mixture
of asylum seekers who fled during the Liberation War,
political outcasts who were shunned during the country's
formative years, Eritrean youth (some of whom have never seen
Eritrea and others who visit mainly during the summer),and
current-day refugees fleeing an oppressive regime and
increasing poverty levels. Although Eritreans tend to form
tight-knit communities abroad, there are deep internal
divides that reflect the overall nature of the country's
political landscape. While many ex-fighters believe Eritrea
to be a shining example of heroism and accomplishment, just
as many recognize that the country's growth has been stunted
by ill-conceived Eritrean government (GSE) policies.
Political exiles have either lost credibility by being
associated with Ethiopia or have faded into the background.
Refugees wish to flee indefinite national service or GSE
persecution, but are often unwilling to speak out against the
GSE. The youth are the most vocal group. They dominate
discussions on social media networking sites, they build
websites, establish magazines, and form student groups at
universities. While many diaspora youth see themselves as
American, British, German, Australian, and so forth, they
also don an "ultra Eritrean" persona when necessary.
Diaspora youth are very protective of Eritrea and, while they
are only in Eritrea for a few weeks at a time, will
vehemently defend the country against criticism. As this is
the case, it is diaspora youth that are the best hope for
outreach efforts geared towards promoting dialogue on
Eritrean politics and society. Whether for or against the
GSE, diaspora youth across the board are ready to speak their
minds and should be a top priority when funding NGOs and
programs focused on engaging the diaspora. End Summary.

DIASPORA BASICS
--------------

2. (SBU) Remittances to Eritrea are estimated at 11% of the
GDP, among one of the highest in Africa. Diaspora Eritreans
are taxed 2% of their income, payable to the nearest Eritrean
embassy or Eritrean community center/bookstore. Post
estimates the GSE receives $7 million USD from tax revenues
from the diaspora in the United States alone. Additionally,
the GSE strongly "encourages" the diaspora to donate even
more money through mandatory community meetings. These extra
funds are often promised to go to the Martyr's Fund, which is
meant to supplement the income and livelihood of the
thousands of crippled ex-fighters who fought for
independence. It is not known to what extent these funds
benefit the large ex-fighter community; however, one look at
the squalid conditions of the Denden camp in Asmara (a
disabled veteran housing complex located on the grounds of
the old Kagnew station) suggests that a substantial sum has
been skimmed off the top.


3. (SBU) Eritreans have strong family and community ties and
usually pay the 2% tax and mandatory donations in order to be
able to visit, retain property, and send supplies and money
to their families in Eritrea. Although Post has heard
increasing reports of diaspora members who refuse to pay the
2% tax, documented proof of payment is a necessity to
maintain family and property ties and obtain vital records
from the GSE. For example, the GSE will not honor requests
for birth certificates, copies of marriage certificates, or
other vital documents without proof of the 2% tax payment.
For similar reasons, many Eritreans in the diaspora choose to
remain silent rather than speak out against a government they
disapprove of; it is common for the GSE to arrest or harass
family members of outspoken individuals.

ESCAPED THE 30 YEAR WAR
--------------


4. (SBU) Many Eritreans fled the country during the 30-year
Liberation War and resettled in Europe and America. Even
though they left the country, they regularly sent financial
contributions to the cause. These Eritreans ended up in a
variety of occupations overseas: doctors, professors, taxi

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drivers, nurses, and other professions. After the war, some
returned to Eritrea to assist with the nation building
process. Professor Asmerom Legesse is a prime example. He
studied in the United States at Harvard University during the
war and returned within days of independence. He continues
to live in Asmara working for the civil society organization
he created, Citizens for Peace in Eritrea (CPE). While he
readily admits the GSE policies have largely inhibited the
organization's work, particularly in attempting to establish
economic self-sufficiency among areas affected by the Border
War, he is nonetheless proud to serve his country.


5. (SBU) Other Eritreans who fled are more skeptical of the
government. Perhaps one of the more telling tales is the
area known as Space 2000 in Asmara, a neighborhood of
half-finished houses financed by the diaspora and intended to
be summer homes. During the initial financing and
construction process, the government accused the private
construction companies of corruption, arrested many in the
industry, and left the diaspora with incomplete houses that
have remained vacant for years. This type of chronic letdown
has left many expat Eritreans very skeptical of the current
government. Despite this sentiment, they do not speak out
against the government for fear of losing contact with
families.

POLITICAL OUTCASTS
--------------


6. (C) In the first years of Eritrea's independence, Isaias'
bid to consolidate power left many ex-fighters and former
political leaders out of the loop, and sometimes imprisoned
(reftel). Some of the ones that successfully fled the
country formed opposition groups based in Addis Ababa,
Ethiopia. While it is difficult to determine how much
influence these groups have among the diaspora, many
Eritreans in country have expressed their thorough distaste
for any political group that comes from Ethiopia. Other
political outcasts find themselves unaffiliated, yet still
vilified, such as Dr. Bereket Habte Selassie, an author,
ex-fighter, and former chairman of Eritrea's Constitutional
Council. Dr. Bereket is often regarded as the primary
architect of Eritrea's unimplemented constitution, written in
1997, and put on the shelf since. Most recently, he gave the
keynote speech on June 18, when several hundred Eritreans in
D.C. marched on the Eritrean embassy in protest of GSE
policies. Despite Dr. Bereket's fame as a pillar in the
country's political formation, the speech went largely
unnoticed in Eritrea, in part because he has already been
thoroughly discredited by GSE media. In 2007, Sofia
Tesfamariam (a diaspora Eritrean living in D.C. who often
writes anti-Western articles at the behest of the GSE) wrote
a scathing commentary on Dr. Bereket, labeling him a
"mercenary and an opportunist." This tends to be the fate of
most Eritrean former political heavyweights. They either
join a well-publicized network based in Addis, and thus lose
credibility, or drop out of politics altogether.

REFUGEES
--------------


7. (C) Today's refugees flee the country in droves (Ref B).
While some are genuinely persecuted by the GSE (religious
dissidents, too successful in the private sector, close
association with foreigners, etc.),the vast majority simply
want to escape poverty, or, in the case of the young, avoid
the grinding labor and poor wages of interminable national
service. A young writer for ELEM (Eritrean Lifestyle and
Entertainment) Magazine recently left Eritrea for a new life
in London. In Eritrea she experienced no direct persecution;
she was only prohibited from achieving her goal of running
her own magazine. She told Poloff her deep disappointment in
the GSE's restrictive policies that prevent young Eritreans
from achieving their full potential. Her comments are not
unique. Many young Eritreans choose to flee the country in
hopes of being something other than a soldier or a woefully
underpaid teacher.


8. (C) Those that are able to escape usually end up in
refugee camps in Sudan, Kenya, South Africa, Libya, Egypt, or

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throughout Europe. Once outside the country, the majority do
not discuss politics. Many of those that disagree with the
GSE would rather bide their time silently in the refugee camp
than risk being outspoken and having GSE forces harass or
arrest family back in Eritrea. Once resettled, refugees often
congregate in pre-existing Eritrean communities, such as in
London, Stockholm, Washington, D.C., and Oakland, California.


THE YOUTH
--------------


9. (C) Eritrean youth in the diaspora are a divided
community. For those that support the GSE, their unwavering
dedication likely stems from their isolation as a minority in
another country and from the ever-present hand of the Young
People's Front for Democracy and Justice (YPFDJ) to enforce a
"proudly Eritrean" identity. The YPFDJ bills itself as a
movement to build "strong, conscious, and patriotic Eritrean
youth." The sub-goal is to strengthen support abroad for the
PFDJ and the GSE. The YPFDJ website, youngpfdj.org, is
littered with editorials aligned with GSE viewpoints, such as
"NGOs and the Victim Industry." Social networking sites
abound with YPFDJ groups (37 groups on Facebook and a newly
formed Twitter account as of October). Although many YPFDJ
gatherings are merely cultural exhibitions or parties, the
youth involved are indoctrinated early on in pro-GSE
propaganda, thus further fueling many diaspora youth's overt
infatuation with Eritrea and vehement defense of the GSE.


10. (C) There are also expat youth who oppose the GSE.
Anti-GSE Eritreans who join the myriad of Eritrean Facebook
groups and attempt to challenge the GSE status quo are
immediately put through the wringer. They are either labeled
as traitors, "woyane" (derogatory term for Ethiopians) in
disguise, tools of Western powers, or worse. As a result,
many youth who love their country but oppose the government
remain silent. Despite the condemnation of their peers, the
silent, yet dissatisfied, contingent of expat youth is
increasing. Semere Kesete, the former president of the
Asmara University student union, and several other young
expat Eritreans are part of a new wave of youth diaspora
attempting to break the silence. Providing opportunities for
young expats to engage in political dialogue is an important
focus area for diaspora outreach.

ENGAGING THE DIASPORA
--------------


11. (C) The internet is already awash with reports detailing
the atrocities committed by the GSE. What expat Eritreans,
especially the youth, gravitate towards instead is an
interactive platform where they can propose ideas and discuss
solutions. Post recommends three ways for NGOs applying for
DRL or other USG funds to successfully engage the diaspora
and encourage critical analysis of the GSE:

- Focus on non-political groups. Direct engagement with
Eritrean opposition groups, such as the EDA, will likely be
dismissed by moderate diaspora Eritreans as an attempt to
overthrow a peaceful government. Working with non-political
groups, such as Eritrean student associations, will provide
credibility and will not immediately be dismissed as having a
political motive.

- Let Eritreans lead the discussion. A panel discussion on
religious freedom in Eritrea should be led by Eritreans and
not by outside analysts. While it is difficult to find
Eritreans willing to talk about these issues, it is well
worth the search. A discussion devoid of Eritreans will,
again, be dismissed by the diaspora.

- Give the youth an alternate voice. As of now, the YPFDJ is
the primary outlet for young Eritreans in the diaspora to
express pride in their culture. Currently, there is no
non-EDA aligned counter to the YPFDJ. Encouraging young
Eritreans to create their own group and providing them
opportunities to promote Eritrean culture and dialogue will
ultimately increase the space for discussion.
McMullen