UNGA: WESTERN HEMISPHERE DELEGATIONS

C O N F I D E N T I A L USUN NEW YORK 001197

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E.O. 12958: DECL: 12/22/2018
TAGS: ECON PGOV PHUM PREL UNGA XK XL XM
SUBJECT: UNGA: WESTERN HEMISPHERE DELEGATIONS

REF: A. (A) USUN NEW YORK 1086

B. (B) USUN NEW YORK 0997 (C) USUN NEW YORK 1103
(D) USUN NEW YORK 1139 (E) USUN NEW YORK
1138

Classified By: MIN COUN JEFFREY DELAURENTIS FOR REASONS 1.4 (B&D)


1. (C) SUMMARY: This cable reviews the activities of Western
Hemisphere delegations at the 63rd Session of the UN General
Assembly. At the opening of the Session, twenty-five heads of
state from the Western Hemisphere participated in the General
Debate. Incoming President of the General Assembly (PGA)
Miguel d'Escoto opened with and has continued criticism of
the United States. The world economic crisis figured
prominently in this year's speeches. In UN elections, Mexico
was elected to a temporary seat on the UNSC. Brazil is on the
schedule to join the Council in 2010. Meanwhile, over the
past year the U.S. has enjoyed good working relationships
with temporary Council members Costa Rica and Panama. Besides
the PGA, several other regional diplomats played important
roles at the UNGA. One of the session's signature events was
the appearance of Bolivia's President Morales to publicize
his country's constitutional process and to justify his
expulsion of the U.S. Ambassador. On human rights, WHA
delegations were instrumental in achieving our high priority
human rights objectives. They were also helpful on the
Defamation of Religions resolution and on anti-Israeli
resolutions. The U.S. worked productively with the Caribbeans
this year in supporting their UNGA priorities and they in
turn were helpful on human rights votes and were natural
allies in resisting the Europeans' death penalty resolution.
For the sixteenth time, the Cubans' resolution on the embargo
was approved by an overwhelming vote with the PGA
gratuitously celebrating that victory. The Inter-religious
Dialogue underscored the diversity of the region's member
states. END SUMMARY

GENERAL DEBATE


2. (U) The United Nations General Assembly officially begins
with the General Debate and most Western Hemisphere
governments send their heads of state. This year twenty-five
(Presidents and Prime Ministers) out of a total of
thirty-four came to New York. Five, Belize, Nicaragua, Peru,
Trinidad and Tobago and Uruguay sent their Foreign Ministers.
Canada, in the throes of an election, was represented by its
Deputy Foreign Minister. Ecuador, occupied with a
constitutional referendum, let its Permanent Representative
do the honors. Venezuela sent a special emissary, its
acerbic Ambassador to the OAS Roy Chaderton. Cuba's head of
delegation was the aging revolutionary Vice President Jose
Ramon Machado Ventura.

3.(U) After Secretary General Ban Ki Moon's state of the
world opening remarks, the new President of the General
Assembly,former Nicaraguan Foreign Minister Miguel d'Escoto,
made an unusually long and polemical statement. He led off
regretting the relative insignificance of the GA and called
for democratization of the UN and for making GA decisions
binding on member states. He illustrated his point with the
example of the Cuban embargo which, although "patently unjust
and universally repudiated, remains firmly in place."
Beginning the six-day marathon of speeches was Brazil always

the first to speak--a tradition dating back to the first
General Assembly. President Lula sharply focused on the
"financial disasters that threaten the world economy" and the
inability of current international economic institutions to
inhibit "the boundless greed" of speculators. Many speakers
that followed would echo his theme that "entirely new
foundations" are required. Also among the first speakers,
Argentina's President Kirchner promoted the GOA proposal for
an international convention on forced disappearances. In a
side event at the UN building, the Argentines featured the
work of the Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo. Later in the
day, Bolivia's Evo Morales delivered a fiery oration that
condemned U.S. interference in his country and showcased his
"Ten commandments to save the planet, humankind and life" --
First Commandment:"To end with Capitalism." (Multiple copies
were distributed and available in the side corridors.)
Similarly, the next day, Honduras' President Zelaya delivered
a blistering indictment of the "immorality" of the current
economic system and called for an end to imperialism.

4.(U) President Oscar Arias of Costa Rica made one of the
best speeches, championing the poor, disarmament, human
rights and global interdependence. It was short, eloquent and
high-minded. Chile's Bachelet was also impressive offering
her country as an example of how to eradicate poverty.
Mexico's Calderon anticipated his delegation's joining the
Security Council to promote democratic ideals and the rule of
law and called for a new "integral" look at migration with
"shared responsibility among countries of origin, transit and
destiny." Colombia's Uribe used a barrage of statistics to
document his country's progress and espoused shared
responsibility to combat drug trafficking. As usual, Cuba's
speech lashed out at imperial domination and an unfair
economic system and concluded with a sharp attack on the U.S.
"which continues to ruthlessly apply their blockade."
Venezuela's Chaderton in a speech heavily laced with sarcasm
presented a Bolivarian view of a world in which we are
witnessing the end of the "neo-liberal nightmare."
Nicaragua's Foreign Minister Santos' speech was much toned
down from President Ortega's confrontational approach last
year. It contained almost no anti-U.S. rhetoric. With this
year's particularly active hurricane season, recurring themes
from the Caribbean speakers were climate change and natural
disasters (especially Haiti's tremendous needs).
.
SECURITY COUNCIL EXPANSION

5.(U) Brazil, along with Japan, Germany and India, have been
pushing the UN to begin serious intergovernmental
negotiations toward an expansion of the UNSC. A number of
WHA countries including Mexico, Chile, Argentina and Colombia
have been less than enthusiastic and have been active
participants in the United for Consensus group resisting such
a course of action. One of the most raucous sessions at the
GA was the last meeting of the Open Ended Working Group on
UNSC reform where Mexico and Colombia were some of the most
outspoken delegates opposing a timeline for intergovernmental
negotiations. Despite a subsequent ill-fated attempt by the
PGA to start them earlier, those negotiations will finally
begin in February 2009. Meanwhile, Brazil is likely to join
the UNSC as a temporary member for a term beginning in
January 2010.

UN ELECTIONS

6.(C) Mexico was elected without opposition to fill the
temporary seat on the UN Security Council being vacated by
Panama in January 2009. Next year the Group of Latin
American and the Caribbean States (GRULAC) currently has
Brazil registered as the candidate to replace Costa Rica on
the Council. Colombia had originally signed up for the
2010-2011 term but in October agreed with Brazil to switch
positions and is now seeking eventual GRULAC endorsement for
the 2011-2012 term. There was also no contest for the GRULAC
seats up for election in the Economic and Social Council. The
four GRULAC vacancies were filled by Guatemala, St.
Kitts-Nevis, Peru and Venezuela for the 2009-2011 term. For
the first time in several years the GRULAC appears to have
worked out a rotational system for selecting their candidates
that avoids the bruising internecine contests of the past.
Last year's UNGA fight for a Security Council seat between
Costa Rica and the Dominican Republic was divisive and the
even more acrimonious Venezuela/Guatemala stand-off in 2006
went on for days.

PROMINENT WHA DIPLOMATS

7.(C) In addition to PGA Miguel d'Escoto, a number of other
WHA diplomats have played prominent roles at this General
Assembly. Costa Rica assumed the Presidency of the UNSC for
the month of November. Their Presidency was marked by a
thematic debate on disarmament with President Oscar Arias
himself presiding over the session. Fellow Council member
Panama's Vice President and Foreign Minister Samuel Lewis
also attended. Highly respected Paraguayan Permanent
Representative Eladio Loizaga, who is finishing up his tour
in New York, served as one of the co-facilitators of the
Ad-hoc Working Group on General Assembly Revitalization.
Argentine Ambassador Jorge Arguello, a popular figure among
his peers, chaired the Fourth Committee. He did a reasonably
good job of it, but his tenure will be most remembered for
Argentina's unsuccessful attempt to amend a resolution with
non-germane language designed to advance Argentina's case in
the Falklands/Malvinas dispute with the U.K. Honduras'
well-regarded Deputy Permanent Representative Marco Antonio
Suazo did an excellent job in chairing the Disarmament and
International Security Committee.

8.(C) Antigua and Barbuda was the chair of the Group of 77
this year. The G-77 has not been as cohesive as in past
years in pursuing what has been an usually unhelpful course
in the UNGA. It is therefore something of a blessing that
Ambassador John Ashe does not seem to have distinguished
himself as the chief spokesman of the group. Symptomatic of
the breakdown in discipline, USUN was pleased to see Antigua
abstain on the key Iran no-action motion in the Third
Committee. Meanwhile, Bolivian Permanent Representative Siles
Alvarado has emerged as one of PGA d'Escoto's favorites of
the twenty-one Vice Presidents of the General Assembly.
D'Escoto often turned the gavel over to him during key
debates. Siles has also become more outspoken than last year.
During Costa Rica's thematic debate on disarmament, Siles
delivered an impassioned speech denouncing the opposition's
massacre of innocent farmers and indirectly condemned the
U.S. as a one of several "petty countries that promotes war."
(REF C)


EVO MORALES AT THE UN

9.(U) The Bolivian profile at this session was made even more
pronounced when Ambassador Siles orchestrated President Evo
Morales' appearance at the UNGA on November 17 (REF A). It
is unusual but not unheard of for a Head of State to be given
a forum at the GA. Morales used the visit to present his
version of Bolivia's constitutional process and to discredit
his opposition. In the press conference after the speech, he
unloaded on the U.S. including the expelled U.S. Ambassador
and DEA. PGA d'Escoto was by his side and introduced him as
an "emblematic figure." Morales also made an appearance at
Fordham University before heading off to Washington for a
similar road show at the Organization of American States.

CENTRAL AMERICANS IN THE SECURITY COUNCIL

10.(C) In the UNSC, we have enjoyed good working
relationships with both Costa Rica and Panama. When the chips
are down, we can count on their votes. With Mexico joining
the Council in January 2009 and even more so with Brazil in
2010, we may well find our hemispheric allies more frequently
taking positions different from our own. This is not to say
that things have always gone smoothly with Costa Rica and
Panama. Both have a penchant for insisting on procedural
niceties which complicate expeditious management of the many
high-priority issues before the Council. Costa Rica, in
particular, is determined to change the culture of the
Council and make it more accessible to other member states.
The GOCR's Foreign Minister, the former Permanent
Representative, has charged his delegation with that goal and
the Council is often tangled in time-consuming efforts to
change established working methods.

HUMAN RIGHTS RESOLUTIONS

11.(C) Our concerted efforts in New York and capitals paid
off in the battle for approval of Third Committee
country-specific human rights resolutions. We held onto the
votes of old friends in WHA and managed to win some new ones.
The U.S. and the Canadians even more so were worried about a
"no-action" motion on our highest priority, the Iran
resolution. It survived a "no action" motion last year by
only one vote and there were ominous reports of heavy
lobbying by Iran. But again this year there was a core group
of about fifteen Latin and Caribbean states that held fast
and were critical to achieving our human rights objectives.
New governments and other developments in several countries
introduced numerous uncertainties in counting votes. One
that we were watching this year was Ecuador. Its capable new
Permanent Representative, however, finally confirmed that
Ecuador would on principle continue voting "no" on "no
action" motions and would abstain on the substantive
resolutions on all three specific-country resolutions.
Notably, however, for the GA plenary vote December 18, the
Ecuadorans broke with this pattern to vote against the Iran
substantive resolution and for two hostile Iranian
amendments. This came after President Correa's official visit
to Tehran. St. Lucia's new government proved strongly
supportive and voted with us down the line. Honduras, newly a
member of the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (ALBA),
nonetheless could not have been more supportive in Third

Committee votes. Another four to six WHA delegations were
mostly or somewhat helpful. This year, Colombia and Haiti
notably joined this group, providing critical votes against
"no action" motions. In addition, there were six Caribbeans
that abstained on all the human rights votes, More harmful
were the four, Bolivia, Suriname, Barbados and Antigua and
Barbuda, that voted for "no action" while abstaining on the
substantive resolutions. (The one exception was Antigua which
abstained on the Iran "no action" motion.) It is noteworthy,
that Barbados, despite its exemplary human rights record, has
consistently followed this pattern in recent years. On the
other hand, Dominica, despite becoming a member of the ALBA,
abstained on all human rights votes. Similarly, Grenada with
a more left-wing government also did no harm with its
consistent abstentions. Finally, there is our opposition,
the three hard-line opponents of country-specific
resolutions: Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela that voted for "no
action" motions and against the substantive resolutions.(REF
E) When the Third Committee resolutions were approved in the
GA plenary on December 18, our WHA support held firm, in fact
two more WHA delegations (St. Kitts and Belize) moved from
abstention and voted against the Iran "no action" motion.


DEFAMATION OF RELIGIONS AND ANTI-ISRAELI RESOLUTIONS

12.(SBU) Another priority for us this year was to improve or
defeat the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC)
resolution on Combating Defamation of Religions. This was a
major item in our consultations with WHA Missions in New
York. We could not obtain sufficient improvement in the OIC
draft, and it went to a vote in Third Committee:85-50 (US)
with 42 abstentions. This compares to last year's vote of
95-52 (US) with 30 abstentions. (Fifteen countries were
absent for the vote both years.) WHA countries were
especially helpful in reducing the mandate of this
resolution, giving hope that the OIC will reconsider the
objectionable language next year. While only the U.S. and
Canada voted against it, seven WHA member states went from
last year's "yes" vote to either abstain or be absent
(Belize, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, Haiti, Saint Lucia,
Trinidad and Tobago and Uruguay). In addition, St.
Kitts-Nevis went from absent to abstain. WHA delegations
thus went from majority "yes" to majority abstain, providing
almost half of the abstentions. In the GA plenary vote on
December 18, WHA delegations were even more helpful with
three more abstaining and one, Belize, joining the U.S. and
Canada in voting against the resolution. Similarly on our
three priority anti-Israeli resolutions, there was some
improvement in WHA voting patterns. El Salvador moved from
"yes" to abstain on two on them; Honduras on one. Haiti
changed its "yes" vote to abstain on two other unbalanced
Middle East resolutions. As they did last year, WHA member
states provided twelve of the seventy-three abstentions on
the third of the three priority resolutions.

DEATH PENALTY RESOLUTION

13.(U) One of the most hotly contested items again this year
was the EU's resolution in Third Committee calling for a
moratorium on the use of the death penalty. Reflecting our
different legal traditions, no issue is quite as divisive for
the region. Canada and all of the Latins except Cuba voted

for the EU resolution; the U.S. and all of the Caribbeans
except Haiti and Suriname voted against it -- a twenty to
thirteen split (right down the Napoleonic Code/Common Law
divide). Cuba and Suriname both abstained. Emotions ran high
in the debate. At one point, the St. Vincent-Grenadines
Permanent Representative castigated the Europeans for smugly
patting themselves on the back. The Caribbeans voted with us
through five unsuccessful attempts to amend the EU resolution
and on the final vote that approved it 105-48 (U.S.) with 31
abstentions.

CUBAN EMBARGO

14.(U) This was the sixteenth year that Cuba has run a
resolution in the General Assembly condemning the U.S.
embargo. The resolution was as usual approved by an
overwhelming majority--185-3 (U.S., Israel, Palau) with 2
abstentions (Marshall Islands and Micronesia). Iraq and El
Salvador absented themselves from the vote. There were the
same number of speakers on this item as last year but with a
slightly different line-up. Of the thirty speakers, only
Norway and France, speaking for the EU, called attention to
human rights problems in Cuba. Echoing his statement on the
first day of the session (above),PGA d'Escoto gratuitously
noted that the United States has been "rightfully repudiated
and condemned" and stated that "we will do all we can to
insure the overwhelming opinion here is no longer flouted."
(REF B)

CARICOM PRIORITIES

15.(SBU) It was a productive year for U.S.-CARICOM
cooperation in the UNGA. They were pretty good on our
high-priority human rights votes (above) and the U.S. was
able to support all three of the priority resolutions put
forward by the CARICOM countries. We were co-sponsors of the
CARICOM resolution on erecting a permanent monument to
victims of slavery at UN headquarters. We joined consensus on
the Caribbean-United Nations Cooperation resolution with a
explanation that the call for reopening the field office of
the UN Office for Drug Control and Crime Prevention should be
within budgetary constraints. We were even able to join
consensus on the Caribbean Sea as a Zone of Sustainable
Development resolution despite our general reservations about
creating such special zones. On Haiti, the Security Council
with our strong support approved without opposition another
one-year extension of the UN peacekeeping mission in Haiti
(MINUSTAH). In addition, a flash appeal was issued in
September by the UN Office of the Coordinator for
Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in response to Hurricane Gustav
and Tropical Storm Hanna. So far about fifty percent of the
$104 million requested has been collected.

INTER-RELIGIOUS DIALOGUE

16.(SBU) At the urging of the Saudis, this year's UNGA
featured a two-day, well-publicized High Level
Inter-religious Dialogue under the Culture of Peace agenda
item. A number of heads of state, including President Bush,
joined the debate. Although Canada and several Latins
participated, WHA countries were not prominent in this event
and were represented at a lower level, usually Permanent
Representatives. Paraguay provided the highest-ranking

speaker, a Senator and member of the Foreign Relations
Committee. Although most WHA presentations were not
particularly memorable, some offered insights on our diverse
region. Indeed, the Brazilian and Canadian were most emphatic
in their embrace of diversity. The Bolivian reiterated some
of President Morales' talking points calling for an end to
the capitalist system and life in harmony with Mother Earth.
The Cuban (always keen on building coalitions) avoided
mention of religion except in the context of embracing the
OIC's position on defamation of religions. The Chilean, on
the other hand, emphasized that freedom of expression and
opinion was intended to protect individuals not entities or
belief systems -- a position the U.S. strongly supported in
the defamation of religions debate.

COMMENT:

17.(C) As anticipated, PGA Miguel d'Escoto has repeatedly
demonstrated anti-U.S. views and has frequently attempted to
shape the General Assembly to conform with his particular
ideological vision. This was recently most evident is his
clumsy efforts to exclude the U.S. from the commemorative
event on the anniversary of the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights. Fortunately there is a limit to how much
damage he can do. Despite the region's increased political
diversity, we were notably successful in achieving our
highest priority human rights objectives in the Third
Committee. WHA votes were critical for that success as our
regional alliance on human rights and democracy issues held
firm. We were also able this year to work more productively
with the Caribbeans. Nonetheless, with the PGA's connivance,
we may see the UNGA becomes a more frequent forum for the
region's populist regimes. The Venezuelan delegation,
however, seemed disorganized this year and has not been
particularly effective in promoting its world view. New
members of Chavez's regional organization, the ALBA, have not
necessarily fallen into line behind BRV positions. The
Cubans on the other hand remain disciplined and relentless in
their attempts to undermine our interests.

Khalilzad