MONGOLIAN WOMEN SEETHING OVER QUOTA ELIMINATION

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TAGS: PHUM KWMN PGOV SOCI MG
SUBJECT: MONGOLIAN WOMEN SEETHING OVER QUOTA ELIMINATION

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1. (SBU) SUMMARY: Women's activists have filed a complaint with
Mongolia's Constitutional Court following Parliament's scrapping of
a requirement that at least 30 percent of any party's candidates for
national elections be women. The complaint, filed on January 31,
argues that in eliminating the quota, Parliament violated the Law on
Parliamentary Procedures. The court now has two weeks to decide
whether to take up the complaint. Women's activists across the
political spectrum are livid over what they see as an attempt by
male Parliamentarians to restrict competition for political office,
ahead of June's Parliamentary elections. After Parliament passed a
law eliminating the quota, the law was vetoed by the President on
January 8. It took two votes - on January 10 and 11 - for
Parliament to override the veto. Prime Minister Bayar has suggested
he feels that the problem with the quota was that the 30 percent it
targeted for female candidates was unrealistic. President Enkhbayar
has been asked by women's groups "to challenge the decision of the
Parliament" at the Constitutional Court, but the President has no
special authority to do so. We see little likelihood that the anger
felt by Mongolian women will translate into concrete political
action. END SUMMARY.


2. (SBU) Mongolian women's activists have filed a complaint with the
Constitutional Court following Parliament's scrapping of a
requirement that at least 30 percent of any party's candidates for
national elections be women. On January 31, activist J. Zanaa filed
the complaint on behalf of MonFemNet, the National Network of
Mongolian Women's NGOs, arguing that Parliament violated the Law on
Parliamentary Procedures in eliminating the requirement. The court
now has two weeks to inform Zanaa about whether it will discuss the
complaint. Women across the political spectrum are livid over what
they view as an attempt by male Parliamentarians to restrict
competition for political office, ahead of June's Parliamentary
elections.

HOPES RAISED, THEN DASHED
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3. (SBU) After years of patient advocacy by women's activists,
Parliament adopted the quota in 2005, energizing the women's rights
movement and leading to hope that it would lead to greater female
participation in the political process. (Women currently hold five
of the 76 seats in Parliament; three of the 16 Cabinet positions;
and seven of the 17 seats on the Supreme Court.) However, on
December 26, 2007, Parliament passed an amendment eliminating the
requirement. On January 8, President N. Enkhbayar vetoed the law,
calling it a setback for Mongolian democracy. On January 9, the
veto was reviewed by two Parliamentary Standing Committees, on State
Structure and Legal Affairs, and majorities on both committees voted
in favor of an override. At a plenary session on January 10, 62.3
percent of the MPs present voted to override the veto, short of the
required 66.6 percent. Female legislators and observers broke out
in applause, but their delight would be short-lived. The head of
the Parliamenary caucus of the ruling Mongolian People's
Revolutionary Party (MPRP),Ts. Nyamdorj, noted that two of the MPs
who had "voted" in support of the veto were not present; fellow
legislators had apparently voted on their behalf, using the small
card-like devices with which MPs electronically cast votes. On
January 11, the Standing Committee on State Structure voted to
invalidate the previous day's vote. Shortly thereafter, a second
plenary vote was held on whether to uphold the President' veto.
This time, 88.9 percent voted to override the veto; only six MPs
(including four of the five female MPs) supported the veto, whereas
20 had backed it a day earlier. (Leaders of the two biggest parties
- the MPRP and the opposition Democratic Party, or DP -- reportedly
spent the evening of January 10 pressuring those who had supported
the veto to change their mind. The MPRP and DP party leaders are
rumored to have warned members of those parties that anyone
supporting the President's veto would not be considered for
candidacy in June's elections.)

ACTIVISTS VOW TO PRESS ON
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4. (SBU) Women's activists have been stung by the developments but
vow to press on. On January 14, a 13-group alliance of women's

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organizations, including MomFemNet, the "Hearth" National Movement
and the women's associations of the Motherland, Civil Will and
Republican parties, jointly called on President Enkhbayar "to
challenge the decision of the Parliament" at the Constitutional
Court. (Note: The President has not made any public response to
this appeal. The Constitution does not give him authority to
question, challenge or overturn decisions by the Constitutional
Court. End Note.) Meanwhile, Bolormaa, head of the NGO Women
Leaders Foundation, told us that although the quota has been
scrapped, there has emerged a new generation of women eager to seek
political office, with knowledge about how to run a campaign and how
to raise funds. (Note: Key support in this regard has come from
USG-funded IRI, which has provided training through the Women's
Partnership in Politics and Governance. End Note.)

PM BAYAR: 30 PERCENT UNREALISTIC
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5. (SBU) While women activists have lavished praise on the President
for vetoing the quota-killing law, many have criticized the actions
of Prime Minister S. Bayar, who serves concurrently as MPRP chief.
In an interview published on January 17, Bayar indicated that he
felt that the problem with the quota was that the 30 percent it
targeted for female candidates was unrealistic. "Are there enough
women in any political party in Mongolia to be listed as
candidates?" he asked. "I think 10 to 15 percent is more
realistic." Bayar pointed out that in recent elections, many women
voters have failed to support women candidates. "Maybe the female
voter is thinking, 'She thinks she's better than me?' and votes
instead for a male candidate."

COMMENT
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6. (SBU) Efforts by the MPRP and DP to scrap the women's candidate
quota could prompt some politically active women to run as
independents, but independents face additional obstacles to being
elected. They cannot, for instance, run on a platform, because
according to Mongolian law, only parties can have a platform.
Independents also face formidable fundraising and organizational
challenges. Although many women active in Mongolian politics are
outraged by the quota's demise, we see little chance that this anger
will translate into concrete political action. Female political
activists may have joined forces to support the quota, but if
previous national elections are any indication, their ultimate
loyalties lie with their political parties, rather than others of
their gender.
MINTON