POSTCARD FROM ALBANIA: NEW KIDS ON THE POLITICAL AND

UNCLAS TIRANA 000162

SIPDIS

SIPDIS

DEPT FOR EUR/SCE, ZAGREB ALSO FOR BELGRADE

E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PGOV PREL AL

SUBJECT: POSTCARD FROM ALBANIA: NEW KIDS ON THE POLITICAL AND
ECONOMIC BLOCK


1. (U) This cable is part of an occasional series entitled
"Postcards from Albania." These messages are prepared by our
locally employed staff to provide analysis, opinions and commentary
on Albanian reality from an Albanian perspective. This cable was
contributed by a member of the Front Office staff.

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SUMMARY
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2. (U) A new generation is moving up the ladder of power in
Albania. In a country where political and economic power has long
been held by the heirs of the communist elite, a generational shift
is taking place. The political class that rose in the ashes of
communism was necessarily comprised of participants in that system,
as the harsh dictatorship had eliminated most of its opponents. In
the economic realm, the new generation is taking control of
Albania's economic capital and financial future. In recent years
observable change has taken place in government institutions and the
country's largest political parties. The main opposition party is
being transformed by the introduction of fresh faces at the top
rungs, sidelining the older generation. Meanwhile, the ruling
Democratic Party has appointed several young cabinet and sub-cabinet
ministers. All signs indicate that the balance of power is
shifting. END SUMMARY

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IN GOVERNMENT, YOUNGER IS BETTER
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3. (U) Prime Minister Berisha's government is dominated by cabinet
ministers in their early thirties. While younger does not
necessarily mean wiser, the composition of government reflects a
growing trend in the country, one that feels good to many Albanian
citizens: entrusting power to those not tainted by the communist
past and who embody western ideas divergent from their elders.
Several important positions are occupied by the new generation,
including: Foreign Minister Lulzim Basha, 34; Integration Minister
Majlinda Bregu, 34; and Justice Minister Enkelejd Alibeaj, 35. The
newly-appointed Prosecutor General, Ina Rama, is also just 34.
Several deputy minister positions are also held by officials of the
under-35 category, including Deputy Foreign Minister Edith Harxhi
and Deputy Minister of Interior Iva Zajmi. Even the "older"
generation of officials is young; President Bamir Topi is 51 and
Speaker Topalli just turned 43.


4. (U) These changes are significant in themselves, but also reflect
wider societal shifts. One of the most notable changes occurred in
the ruling Democratic Party (DP) ahead of its 2005 Parliamentary
win. At that time, the DP was reportedly convinced that it could
only take Parliament with new blood in the old structures, prompting
then-Chairman Berisha to create the Committee on the Orientation of
Policies (KOP),a group of young, western-educated professionals who
were relative unknowns. The Committee contributed to the successful
change in the DP's image and played an important role in the party's
return to power after eight years in opposition. The subsequent
rise to national prominence of many Committee members has sometimes
created tensions with the more established wing of the party, but
their appointments to the cabinet level provided a direct outlet for
their growing influence. However, it is Berisha himself who
proposes and manages change in the party, and as long as he remains
its undisputed leader, any reforms may be rescinded.

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OPPOSITION PARTY: ONE MEMBER, ONE CHAIRMAN
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5. (U) In addition, the main opposition party is undergoing a
similar but perhaps more profound transformation. Under the
leadership of Edi Rama, the communist-era old guard is retreating,
making way for a new cadre of people who share Rama's populist
vision of social change. (Rama is a great admirer of Democratic
presidential candidate Barack Obama.) Successful professionals with
no ties to the traditional Socialist Party (SP) structure have been
propelled into leadership positions, changes which have been made
possible by the new 'one member one vote' system that allowed Rama
to dismantle the party's pyramidal structure. While some contend
that many of the newcomers have no real authority - they are simply
Rama's puppets - their introduction to SP politics has the potential
to transform the face of the left wing.


6. (U) As a result of Rama's changes, the SP General Assembly has
been reformed, leaving outside a number of those who controlled the
party since its inception. Rama also created its first policy
research body to shape the party's programs and policies. These
changes have underscored Rama's strategy of contrasting himself with
the leaders of the post-communist period, notably former SP Chair
Fatos Nano and PM Berisha, as well as Rama's promise of a new
beginning for the party.


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FOLLOW THE MONEY
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7. (U) These political changes have been preceded by important
developments in the private sector. Unable to keep up with demand
in the new markets, an older generation of managers is being usurped
by young, well-educated businessmen. These entrepreneurs are savvy
and flexible, adapting the most recent advertising techniques and
financial mechanisms to their successful business ventures. The
result is that some of the fastest growing businesses in the country
are run by people in their mid-30s, in new sectors of industry.
Saimir Mane, a 36-year-old businessman, owns the most successful
supermarket chain in Albania. His success is emulated by several
prominent entrepreneurs, including 41-year-old Sokol Kika, who have
made a fortune from the booming real-estate industry. These
influential businessmen are beginning to make their mark on public
policy, flexing their economic might in the political realm and
becoming a force to be reckoned with traditional politicians.

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COMMENT
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8. (U) Albania is now entering into a new stage of development. A
new generation that was only marginally affected by the communist
system now has the power and influence to affect public policy.
Young politicians are tapping into a reservoir of popular discontent
with the old leaders, whose paternalistic, hierarchical leadership
style has not responded to the aspirations of Albania's young
electorate. This new generation's successful introduction on the
political stage shows both that citizens are tired of the failures
of the traditional political class, and that the old guard itself
appears resigned to letting the new guys in. Until now, their rise
has failed to put the brakes on Albania's conflictual and
personality-based political realm. With new leaders in both major
parties and the rising economic influence of the next generation,
changes may soon be visible there as well.

WITHERS