THE OLYMPICS AND NATIONALISM: VIEWS FROM EAST CHINA

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 SHANGHAI 000496

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STATE FOR EAP/CM
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E.O. 12958: DECL: 11/14/2033
TAGS: PREL PGOV PINR SOCI CH
SUBJECT: THE OLYMPICS AND NATIONALISM: VIEWS FROM EAST CHINA
(C-AL8-01964)

REF: A) SHANGHAI 276; B) STATE 101715

CLASSIFIED BY: Christopher Beede, Pol/Econ Chief, U.S. Consulate
Shanghai, U.S. Department of State.
REASON: 1.4 (b),(d)




1. (C) Summary: Interlocutors in Shanghai and Nanjing believe
rising Chinese nationalism in the months preceding the Olympics
was mainly a reaction to Western criticism and "bias" against
China during the Tibet crisis. Although China is more confident
after a "successful" Olympics, the interlocutors said, most
Chinese recognize that China is still a developing country.
Several students said their pride during the Olympics was
negated by a realization that China still faces myriad domestic
problems. The academics uniformly agreed that growing
confidence and nationalism in China will not lead to a more
"active" foreign policy in the near future. Some scholars
argued that the younger generations in the economically
developed coastal areas display strong nationalistic tendencies,
whereas the sense of a common Chinese identity, let alone
Chinese nationalism, is not strong in the countryside and ethnic
minority areas. The Chinese Government is trying to promote
nationalism and greater appreciation for the Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) through a revision of history textbooks, said one
scholar. End summary.


2. (C) Poloff spoke with scholars and students in Shanghai and
Nanjing about Chinese nationalism and China's changing attitude
towards the world. Academic interlocutors included Liu Litao,
Associate Professor at the Nanjing University School of
International Relations; Wu Jinan, Senior Fellow at the Shanghai
Institute of International Studies (SIIS); Gao Lan, Associate
Professor at the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences (SASS); Hua
Tao, Professor of Sociology and Anthropology at the
Hopkins-Nanjing Center of Nanjing University; Su Zhiliang,
Professor at Shanghai Normal University; Shi Yuehua, Vice Dean
of the School of Communication Design at Fudan University; and
Tian Zhongqing, Professor at Shanghai Jiaotong University.
Poloff also conducted a roundtable discussion with about a dozen
graduate students at the Nanjing University School of
International Relations.

Tibet: Anti-Western Feelings
--------------

3. (C) Several interlocutors told Poloff they held negative
views towards the West, particularly the Western media, during
the Tibet crisis in March 2008. Rising Chinese nationalism,
particularly among Chinese youth, in the months leading up to
the Olympics was mainly a response to Western criticism of
China's handling of the Tibet crisis, said Hua Tao, Professor at
the Hopkins-Nanjing Center of Nanjing University. Many Chinese
were caught off guard by the level of Western criticism and were
"confused why the West does not recognize China's efforts and
only criticizes us," he continued. Shi Yuehua, Vice Dean of the
School of Communication Design at Fudan University, said many
young Chinese were angry at what they perceived as "unfair"
reporting by the U.S. media, and some created an anti-CNN
website. Several graduate students at the Nanjing University
School of International Relations said they felt "angry" at the
Western media's "bias against China" during this period.

Olympics Boost Confidence
--------------

4. (C) The generally positive Western media coverage of the
Olympics softened much of this negative sentiment, said the
academics. Tian Zhongqing, Professor at Jiaotong University,
said he personally "did not like CNN" after its coverage of the
Tibet crisis but that many Chinese developed a more positive
view of Western media after the Olympics. Shi Yuehua similarly
stated that the Olympics played a positive role in allowing the
West to "get to know China better." Before, the Western media
had mostly focused on corruption, human rights, and
environmental problems in China, she said, but the Olympics
allowed China's more positive side to be showcased.


5. (C) The Olympics had the twofold effect of tempering
anti-West sentiment and fueling Chinese pride and confidence,
according to the interlocutors. Several students at Nanjing

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University said they felt "very proud" of their country's
achievements. Liu Litao of the Nanjing University School of
International Relations asserted that China is "more confident
now." A self-described strong nationalist, Liu felt the
Olympics symbolized China's dominance in the region, asserting
during a discussion of regional security issues that "Japan now
fears China's rise" and China "can easily overpower" the weapons
recently sold by the United States to Taiwan. Hua Tao believes
the Olympics encouraged nationalistic feelings, but went on to
say that "it is natural for people to exhibit patriotism" during
these events, so the nationalism exhibited during the Olympics
was "just like in the United States or any other country."

Chinese Recognize the Challenges They Face
--------------

6. (C) Although the Chinese are proud of their country's
achievements during the Olympics, they are also aware of the
country's problems and limitations, the interlocutors stated.
Wu Jinan, Senior Fellow at SIIS, said although China is more
confident now after a "successful Olympics", most Chinese
understand that China is still a developing country with
significant domestic problems, such as rising unemployment and
increasing income disparity. Gao Lan, Associate Professor at
SASS, similarly observed that although the Olympics encouraged
nationalistic feelings in China, and the Chinese are proud of
their country's rapid economic growth, the Chinese also realize
"there is still a long way to go" to become a developed country.
Gao said the younger generation, growing up in the 1990s in
relative comfort, witnessed firsthand the rapid rise of their
country without any memory of the Cultural Revolution and past
hardships, thus imbuing them with greater confidence in their
country. This confidence is more pronounced in economically
developed areas and is not widespread in the countryside, where
people still struggle with day-to-day life, Gao said.


7. (C) Several of the graduate students at Nanjing University
said the pride they felt during the Olympics was short-lived.
One student expressed mixed feelings, saying she felt proud
during the Olympics but quickly realized that "not much has
changed" to resolve China's myriad domestic problems. Another
student said he does not consider the Olympics a success,
stating that "national pride should not be measured by the
number of medals, but should be based on rising living
standards. Too many resources were spent on the Olympics...the
resources should have been used to raise people's living
standards." The other students in the room quietly nodded in
agreement, the room falling silent before the outspoken student
quickly retracted slightly, adding "Of course, the Olympics were
successful in some ways."

"Not Aggressive" Nationalism
--------------

8. (C) The interlocutors believe China's growing confidence
will not immediately translate into a more "active" role on the
world stage. Gao Lan of SASS believes that, although China's
level of self-confidence is growing, "it will take time for
China to adopt a more active foreign policy." The main reason
is that Chinese leaders recognize the enormity of problems
facing the country, both domestically and internationally. As
an example of the Chinese Government's self-reflective mood, Gao
mentioned that there will be a conference in Shanghai in
December entitled "Duo Nan Xing Bang" ("Trials and Tribulations
Regenerate a Nation"),in which Shanghai scholars will discuss
and present a report to the Central Government on ways to cope
with domestic and international challenges.


9. (C) Liu Litao, the nationalistic professor from Nanjing
University, said China is not looking to project its power
overseas at the moment, citing a Chinese proverb "Fumu zai, bu
yuan you" (loosely translated as "While the parents are still
alive, do not venture far"). The search for natural resources
means China will increase its economic presence overseas, but
this is mainly driven by necessity rather than greater
confidence or desire to be an "active" global player, he
explained. Hua Tao of the Hopkins-Nanjing Center said that
although nationalism is growing in China, it is "not aggressive
nationalism," meaning that the Chinese are not looking to
project its growing influence. Rather, as the Tibet crisis
showed, Chinese nationalism is most visible in response to what

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the Chinese people perceive as external threats to their
sovereignty and pride, he added.

Chinese Identity Versus Local Identity
--------------

10. (C) The Chinese Government wants to promote a common
"Chinese identity" while preserving minority heritage, said Hua
Tao. Although most members of these minority groups will
acknowledge that they are Chinese if you ask them about their
nationality, their "local identity" often supersedes their
national identity, according to Hua. This "local identity" is
reinforced by the fact that the Chinese Government classifies
citizens as Han Chinese or an ethnic minority in household
registries, thus leading to official preferential treatment -
and also much social discrimination - he said.


11. (C) Hua added that this "local identity" is also strong
among Chinese peasants, many of whom are "detached" from the
outside world and develop a stronger affiliation with their
remote village rather than a common "Chinese identity." He
believes their sense of identity depends on whom they talk to:
when talking to foreigners, they may call themselves Chinese,
but in daily life, they will associate themselves more closely
with their local village. For this reason, Hua thinks Chinese
nationalism is not particularly strong in the countryside and
areas with large ethnic minority populations.

Education: Government Push to Emphasize CCP History
-------------- --------------

12. (C) According to Su Zhiliang, Professor at Shanghai Normal
University, the Chinese Government's Ministry of Education is
trying to promote nationalism and appreciation for the
government by placing greater focus on China's peasant
revolution, socialism, and the history of the Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) in history textbooks. Su had previously served as
chief editor of the highly controversial Shanghai version of the
high school history textbook that was published in 2006. (Note:
There are several different versions of history textbooks in
China. The Central Government issues a standard version, and
most provinces use this or a slightly modified version. The
Shanghai version which Su edited in 2006 was deemed very liberal
for its emphasis on world civilizations rather than China's
revolutionary history and the CCP. Su was consequently
criticized heavily by conservative scholars and the Central
Government. According to Su, it was bad timing that the
textbook's first publication coincided with former Shanghai
Party Secretary Chen Liangyu's corruption scandal, since Chen
had been a chief proponent of textbook revision. Su mentioned
that he was recently asked by the Central Government to edit a
new high school textbook again but refused the offer due to
"philosophical differences." End note.)


13. (C) Su thinks that most academics in China agree with him
on the need for a more liberal textbook that takes a broad view
of world history rather than a narrow focus on China's recent
history. But he says there are some "older, hardheaded"
scholars, most in their 70s or older, who prefer more
"conservative" presentations of history. According to Su, the
Central Government's Ministry of Education is split between
conservatives and progressives on this issue, but the
conservatives still have the upper hand. Su believes the
Central Government is gradually becoming "more open-minded"
about the issue but still wants to focus attention on CCP
history and the peasant revolution to develop young people's
love for the government and their country.

Comment
--------------

14. (C) Although the interlocutors did not clarify the meaning
of "active" foreign policy or "aggressive" nationalism, their
comments were generally in line with Hu Jintao's "peaceful
development" mantra. It was clear from these discussions that,
though the Olympics lent a temporary boost to Chinese
nationalism and confidence, the party was cut short by the
realization that China faces some daunting domestic and
international challenges. This sentiment was shared by all the
interlocutors who, despite the fact that they live in relatively
prosperous cities in East China, are less than optimistic about
the country's near term prospects, especially in light of the

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recent tide of negative economic news. These discussions
indicate that, for many ordinary Chinese here, daily struggles
still supersede concerns at the national level.
CAMP