Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
08NOUAKCHOTT629
2008-10-27 17:50:00
CONFIDENTIAL
Embassy Nouakchott
Cable title:  

THE MAYOR OF TIDJIKJA

Tags:  PREL PGOV PTER MR 
pdf how-to read a cable
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C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 NOUAKCHOTT 000629 

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 10/25/2013
TAGS: PREL PGOV PTER MR
SUBJECT: THE MAYOR OF TIDJIKJA

Classified By: CDA Dennis Hankins for reasons 1.4 (b and d)

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 NOUAKCHOTT 000629

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 10/25/2013
TAGS: PREL PGOV PTER MR
SUBJECT: THE MAYOR OF TIDJIKJA

Classified By: CDA Dennis Hankins for reasons 1.4 (b and d)


1. (C) Summary: The anti-coup mayor of Tidjikja, the
isolated capital of Tagant Province, says his city council
increasingly against the coup despite a "culture of
submission." He notes continued pressure on him as an
anti-coup mayor. He doubts the seriousness of the recent
arrest of "AQIM elements" in his town but noted the pressures
of radicalism in his own family.


2. (C) Charge met October 26 with the anti-coup mayor of
Tidjikja, Mohamed Ould Biha. Biha was pointed out earlier in
the week by Abdallahi "Foreign Minister" Mohamed Ould
Maouloud as one of the more courageous mayors against the
coup. Ould Biha presented himself as a defender of the
democratic progress Mauritania had made though not
necessarily a strong supporter of Abdallahi as an individual.
Saying he was aware of the military support funneled into
Abdallahi's campaign before the elections, he said, "I voted
for him in the first and second round as the person most
likely to complete the political transition to democracy."
He saw Abdallahi's mandate as "the final five years of
democratic transition away from military rule" rather than
the completion of that transition. He saw Abdallahi's main
rival, Ahmed Ould Daddah, as being too incendiary for the
military. He did not believe the transition would be allowed
to go forward by the military if Ould Daddah had won. He saw
Abdallahi has having never managed to gain control over the
military, "he was their prisoner in the Presidential Palace,
and now he's their prisoner in jail." Despite his qualms
about Abdallahi before and after his election, Ould Biha said
any acceptance of the coup was a step backward.


3. (C) Ould Biha said soon after the coup his City Council
had derided him for opposing the central authority of the new
government. He said he pointed at the old guard who had
served forever at city hall. He asked, "If Mohamed here were
to jab his gun in my neck and lock me up in the closet and
then call you all in and, in his dusty old uniform, say he is
now the new mayor, would you accept him?" When they all said
"no," he said that was what Aziz was doing only worse because

he was defying the universal suffrage that had put Abdallahi
into office. Ould Biha said his Council has come around,
overcoming what he termed a "culture of submission" that
always respects power.


4. (C) Ould Biha said he has twice been called into the
office of the intelligence head in Tidjikja, a friend from
high school. The first visit was friendly, along the lines
of "I would hate to see you on the wrong side of this" while
the second visit was more menacing. He said what little
central government the city got before the coup had dried up
and was very pleased when Charge asked if he had a small
($10-20,000) project our CMSE team could undertake as part of
our efforts to provide visible, if modest, support to
anti-coup mayors. Charge said we would try to get a team to
visit his isolated capital in the next month, although we saw
the possibility the junta would block it since Prime Minister
Waghef is under house arrest in a nearby village.


5. (C) Charge asked Ould Biha about reports that several
suspected AQIM members had been arrested in his town the week
earlier. He said he had his doubts about the case. He noted
that two teens belonging to a family that had moved to
Tidjikja from Chinguetti a decade ago (not from the local
clan so still considered "outsiders") had taken to going
target shooting every Friday. They were sometimes in trouble
with authorities but he was unsure they were terrorists. He
noted that the fact dynamite was found in their house is not
that unusual since it is readily available locally and used
to clear boulders in the mountainous area. He said 20 other
associates of the two teens were rounded up and questioned
but all but two were quickly released. Still unclear of all
the particulars he said, "These kids were doing stuff I did
all the time when I was young, but in the present climate
that makes one suspicious."


6. (C) Ould Biha was quick not to dismiss the terrorist
threat. He noted centuries-old smuggling routes pass near
Tidjikja that are still used by cigarette smugglers and could
easily be used by terrorists as well. Pointing on a map to
the empty space between Tidjikja and the Malian border, he

NOUAKCHOTT 00000629 002 OF 002


saw that his town could be as easily targeted by AQIM
elements as has had been Tourine in September or El
Ghallouwiya in December 2007. Looking to internal
radicalism, he saw Mauritania culture being changed. The
long drought had caused tremendous internal migration,
turning Mauritania in 40 years from a country of nomads to
one of city-dwellers. Families were disrupted as youth went
to Nouakchott and other areas looking for work. Traditional
tribal ties are breaking down -- something both good for
national unity but bad for short-term social order.
Referring to the main shooter in the December 24 killing of
French tourists, a young man from a respectable Nouakchott
family, Ould Biha spoke of his own nephew. His nephew had
done well in school but was getting wild. Smoking and
staying out all night. Recently he had started going to
mosque to straighten himself out and had approached his uncle
last month to say he was going to a mahadra near the Malian
border to "find true Islam." Ould Biha saw this immediately
as Al Qaeda recruitment and told his nephew he would pay for
religious study at home, but that the extremists would teach
him "a false Islam." The nephew is settled for now, but Ould
Biha remains wary of the appeal of radicalism on disaffected
youth. A successful military coup, he said, "will give them
even less to believe in and ultimately will breed terrorism."
HANKINS