Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
08DAMASCUS895
2008-12-18 15:08:00
CONFIDENTIAL
Embassy Damascus
Cable title:  

DAMASCUS CHAMBER OF COMMERCE: THE CHANGE WE NEED?

Tags:  ECON ELAB PGOV SY 
pdf how-to read a cable
P 181508Z DEC 08
FM AMEMBASSY DAMASCUS
TO SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 5699
INFO AMEMBASSY AMMAN 
AMEMBASSY BEIRUT 
AMEMBASSY CAIRO 
AMEMBASSY TEL AVIV 
DEPT OF COMMERCE WASHDC
C O N F I D E N T I A L DAMASCUS 000895 


E.O. 12958: DECL: 12/18/2018
TAGS: ECON ELAB PGOV SY
SUBJECT: DAMASCUS CHAMBER OF COMMERCE: THE CHANGE WE NEED?

Classified By: Charge d'Affaires Maura Connelly for reasons 1.4 (b,d).

C O N F I D E N T I A L DAMASCUS 000895


E.O. 12958: DECL: 12/18/2018
TAGS: ECON ELAB PGOV SY
SUBJECT: DAMASCUS CHAMBER OF COMMERCE: THE CHANGE WE NEED?

Classified By: Charge d'Affaires Maura Connelly for reasons 1.4 (b,d).


1. (C) SUMMARY: The retirement of the Damascus Chamber of
Commerce's long-serving chairman shook up the Chamber's
November 2008 elections. SARG attempts to pressure the
former chairman's son-in-law to step in as Chairman failed,
as the remaining ten board members scrambled to re-form their
candidate list. Internal disputes emerged amongst "old
guard" members, fracturing their slate of candidates at the
last minute. In the end, one standing board member was
defeated, and three new members were elected -- two of whom
had run on a (borrowed) "The Change We Need" platform.
Post's discussions with the most prominent, newly-elected
member revealed his diverse, somewhat nebulous, and
potentially self-serving agenda of "reforms" for the Chamber.
END SUMMARY.


--------------
STAGNATION AT THE CHAMBER
--------------


2. (C) The Damascus Chamber of Commerce is not an institution
generally associated with "change." It functions as a
quasi-governmental body, and is reportedly heavily influenced
by the Syrian intelligence services. Until November, 2008,
the 12 members of the body's elected governing board had
served for decades, with one member racking up 36 years in
office, and the revered former Chairman, Dr. Rateb Shallah,
having served for sixteen. Dr. Shallah's father, Baradin,
served as chair for 12 years prior to his son's election, and
his son-in-law, Khaled Hboubati, had been groomed to
eventually move into the position.


3. (C) Hboubati told econoff that he was frustrated with the
other board members who had served under his father-in-law,
and that Dr. Shallah had tried to encourage turnover on the
board, to no end. He said that last year Dr. Shallah had
encouraged his board colleagues to institute a two-term limit
on leadership positions, and that all members had signed a
document to this effect in Hboubati's presence. However,
Hboubati had been unable to convince other board members to
honor this commitment once candidate selection for the 2008
election began.

--------------
DESCENT INTO CHAOS
--------------


4. (C) When Dr. Shallah, aged 83, announced that he would not

run in the November Chamber elections, the business community
at large assumed that Hboubati would step into his place atop
the list of old-guard candidates for re-election. When
Hboubati confirmed that he, too, would not seek re-election
to the Chamber, the candidate selection process descended
into chaos. Seen as the only competent members of an
otherwise stagnant, largely ceremonial board, Hboubati told
econoff that both he and his father-in-law had been dogged by
SARG officials urging them to reconsider their resignations.
Dr. Shallah deflected this pressure by noting his age and
offering the plausible excuse that his duties as Chairman of
the newly-established (but not yet operational) Damascus
stock exchange not only require his full attention but also
present a conflict of interest for the board. Hboubati had
no such excuse. According to Hboubati, he simply told SARG
officials - repeatedly - that he did not want to be involved
with the Chamber "if his father-in-law is not there," and
that he "could not possibly fill the shoes of such a great
man." However, Hboubati told us that he did not want the
position because he did not like to be "political." He noted
that he had been a close associate of President Asad's
brother, Basil, and wished to remain "friends with everyone
-- in all circles." Through his assessment of the challenges
that would face any new board members, Hboubati implied that
a leadership position with the Chamber board could put him
into conflict with the SARG, particularly with members of the
security services.


5. (C) Meanwhile, as the remaining ten Chamber board members
struggled to form and rank their list for the upcoming
election, an internal power struggle emerged pitting nine of
the members against the remaining one member, Bashar
al-Nouri. Hboubati characterized al-Nouri as a "bad man" who
was trying to take over the Chamber for his own purposes.
(Comment: This is undoubtedly a one-sided assessment. End
comment.) In the week running up to the actual vote,
al-Nouri's name was not only cut from the list, but also was
physically cut out of the many large, cloth election banners
that hung across intersections throughout Damascus. Amid
much speculation on the Damascus street, al-Nouri re-entered
the race as an independent candidate.

--------------
THE CHANGE WE NEED?
--------------


6. (C) In a comic turn, a well-connected Syrian businessman
from a long-established Damascene family ran at the head of a
slate of three "newcomers." During the campaign, Mazen
Hammour, who runs a business group with investments in a vast
array of economic sectors and who serves as the Honorary
Consul General for Macedonia in Damascus, took to calling
himself the "Obama of the Chamber," and co-opted the
Obama/Biden campaign motto, "The Change We Need." Hammour
told econoff that former Chair Dr. Shallah "was the only one
who did any work" at the Chamber, and that he wanted to
change this. He also claimed that the remaining old-guard
board members had used their connections to "blacklist" him
and deny him press coverage during the campaign. Ironically,
Hammour -- the self-proclaimed agent of change -- argued that
the incumbent board members feared that his powerful family
and Damascene business connections would dwarf their own
influence.

--------------
THREE "NEWCOMERS" ELECTED
--------------


7. (C) According to Hammour, the Chamber has 30,000 members,
of which 7,150 were eligible to vote in the Chamber Board
election. (Note: Chamber members whose dues were in arrears
were not allowed to vote in the Chamber election. End note.)
In the end, 2,513 members cast votes in the November 9th
"open list" election. (Note: According to Hammour, voters
were free to select either an entire slate of candidates, to
vote for individual candidates, or to vote for any
combination of up to twelve candidates from across the lists.
End note.) Hammour was elected to the board, along with one
other man from his list and another, "new" independent
candidate. The shunned al-Nouri was also re-elected, as were
eight of the nine other incumbents who formed the "old guard"
list. Hammour was upbeat about the future of the Chamber,
and suggested to econoff that he might even be in the running
for the chairmanship. (Note: To date, the board has not yet
elected its chair. End note.) Yet Hboubati, speaking before
the election, had discounted the candidacy of Hammour and the
other "new" candidates, saying that they lacked gravitas and
would not be able to "stand up to the pressures" placed upon
them by the Syrian security services. He surmised that they
would, therefore, prove ineffective board members.

--------------
NEW PRIORITIES, NEW BUSINESS OPPORTUNITIES
--------------


8. (C) Hammour outlined his goals for his first term in
office. His top priority, he told us, was to foster
transparency at the Chamber and "spread business
opportunities around." He proposes to accomplish this by
forming Chamber committees for every sector of the Syrian
economy. These committees, he said, would inform Chamber
members of business developments in-sector, and would also
work to make policy recommendations to the Ministry of the
Economy, Ministry of Finance, and to the Prime Minister.
Hammour sees the Chamber as an "incubator for government
reforms," and also said that the Chamber should "act as a
lawyer on behalf of consumers and investors" in dealing with
the government. He noted the introduction of a VAT by the
SARG, slated for 2009, as one example of where the Chamber
needed to be proactive with government on behalf of its
members. He also cited the global financial crisis as a
critical issue for the Chamber, saying that there is a need
to "open the eyes" of Damascenes to the ways in which the
crisis could affect the business climate here, and to "be
proactive" in this regard.


9. (C) Hammour also hopes to use the Chamber as a platform to
push for reform of social benefits for what he terms the
"commercial class" in Syria. In addition to pushing for
pension and death benefits, Hammour told econoff that he
wants to explore the possibility of offering group health
insurance, life insurance and disability insurance to Chamber
members. (Note: Hammour owns an insurance company. End
note.) Hammour also told econoff that he is looking into
establishing a stock brokerage to work with the Damascus
stock exchange, once opened. He said that he is one of
several Damascene businessmen who have applied for licenses
to act as brokers.

--------------
COMMENT
--------------


10. (C) It is doubtful that the election of Hammour and the
two other "newcomers" to the Damascus Chamber of Commerce
represents real change for the business community. Already,
Hammour seems poised to parlay his position into personal
gain, by pushing private insurance policies to Chamber
members -- a move which has great potential to benefit his
own insurance company. Shallah's son-in-law, Hboubati, was
unusually frank in discussing the security services' grip on
Chamber board members, which confirmed Post's suspicion that
the Chamber is heavily influenced. While Shallah has a
plausible excuse for retirement, it is also likely that his
departure reflects his frustration with the security
services' growing scrutiny of the Chamber, widening
corruption by insiders like President Asad's cousin, Rami
Maklouf, and intransigent "old guard" businessmen (and
others) who continue to oppose real economic and commercial
reforms.


CONNELLY