A TOUR D'HORIZON WITH PRESIDENT VORONIN

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 CHISINAU 000765

SIPDIS

STATE FOR EUR/UMB

E.O. 12958: DECL: 07/17/2018
TAGS: PGOV, PREL, PBTS, ECON, PINR, KWMN, MD
SUBJ: A TOUR D'HORIZON WITH PRESIDENT VORONIN

Classified By: Charge d'Affaires Rudolf V. Perina for reasons 1.4 (b)
and (d)

Ref: Chisinau 731

1. (C) Summary: In a wide-ranging 4-hour luncheon meeting July 16,
President Voronin assured Charge Perina that there was no decision to
expel IRI and NDI from the country, as had been floated by the
Foreign Ministry. Voronin said he plans a meeting this week for
political and regional leaders to stress the importance of fighting
trafficking. The President wants 5-plus-2 to move faster and tackle
political issues (i.e. status) instead of just confidence building
measures. He has no intention of signing any bilateral Kozak-II type
understanding with the Russians as he believes any Transnistrian
settlement must have broad international support. The president said
he was pleased with the atmospheric improvements in the Romanian
relationship following FM Comanescu's recent visit, but noted
outstanding problems with border delimitation with Ukraine. The
President understands he will step down after the 2009 elections, and
already has a name in mind for PCRM to nominate as his successor,
someone who he said is known to us and well respected.
End summary.

2. (C) On July 16, President Voronin hosted CDA Perina for a very
informal 4-hour meeting at his Condrita summer dacha. The
casually-dressed president gave a tour of the grounds, then got down
to business in a wide-ranging discussion, followed by lunch featuring
fruits, cheese, fish, and other produce from the dacha's land.

IRI/NDI Not Under Threat - PCRM to Cooperate
--------------

3. (C) As the MFA had floated (reftel),Voronin was willing to back
down on IRI and NDI and denied having actually finalized any decision
to expel or take any action against them. He led with a long
digression about Russian FSB interference in the 2005 elections,
perhaps having in mind the unstated argument that the Russians might
ask to have equivalent organizations of their own. However, he
mostly seemed to want assurance that IRI and NDI had not given $1.5
million to opposition leader Urechean, as a recent press article had
alleged. Voronin said he had never met with IRI and NDI, and only
knew what he read in the newspapers.

4. (C) CDA Perina assured Voronin that IRI and NDI were not
conspiring to influence the outcome of the elections but rather only
interested in promoting a fair electoral process and training all
political parties to this effect. The President said to Perina "You
decide it yourself; if you think they are doing good work, then it's
o.k." CDA said that NDI and IRI would like to work more with the
Communist PCRM but the party appeared reluctant to participate in
most training programs. Voronin said he would tell PCRM Party
Secretary Victor Mindru to meet with us and to cooperate more with
IRI and NDI. He commented that the press conference by a disgruntled
IRI employee, Marian Bunescu, was not a government provocation. He
did say that the organizations need to pay their taxes as required by
law.

Moldova Could Lose MCC if on TIP Tier III
--------------

5. (C) Charge Perina reminded the President that the MCC investment
could be as much as 300-500 million and explained that Moldova could
stand to lose the program unless it takes rapid and convincing action
against trafficking in persons to get off of Tier III. Voronin, who
had already chaired a meeting of the National Security Council in
which he condemned corruption in the CCTIP center and announced that
half the CCTIP staff would be fired, said he is working actively on
improving the government's record on TIP. He said that this week he
would hold a meeting with all leaders of political organizations and
local district leaders to talk to them about combating trafficking.

Voronin wants 5-plus-2 to Tackle Political Issues
-------------- --------------

6. (C) Voronin said it was necessary to speed up the 5-plus-2 process
and to tackle political issues (i.e. status),rather than just focus
on confidence building measures. He said that Medvedev wanted him to
come to Moscow to meet trilaterally with Smirnov, but Voronin was
insisting on a bilateral meeting with Medvedev first. Voronin
speculated that perhaps Medvedev would want to increase his own
profile by resolving the Transnistria problem.

7. (C) The President noted that neutrality was a key point for
Moscow, but he understood that it was impossible for one country to
"guarantee" the neutrality of another. The Russians were starting to
understand this as well and backing away from using the "guarantee"
word. Voronin stressed that he would not sign any kind of Kozak-II
memorandum directly with the Russians because any TN settlement had
to have the broad international support that only the 5-plus-2
process could provide.


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Relations with Neighbors - Romania and Ukraine
-------------- -

8. (C) Voronin said he was pleased with the visit of Romanian Foreign
Minister Comanescu which he said was the first "normal" visit in the
bilateral relationship. He invited Romanian President Basescu to
come to Moldova and wanted genuinely to improve the relationship.
With Romania in the EU, this was also a question of improving EU
relations. Voronin narrated the story of Romania's request for
consulates in Cahul (and then Balti) and their surprise when he asked
for reciprocal consulate opening in Iasi.

9. (C) Voronin said he had made progress with Ukraine on border
demarcation, but that there were still two unresolved points -- the
Novo-Dniestrovsk hydro-electric station (GES) and Giurgiulesti port.
In St. Petersburg, the two sides had agreed on all points and even
initialed an agreement but then on the next day the Ukrainians tried
to change the terms. They tried to draw a line that would have
included the Moldovan side of the river at the power plant as
Ukrainian territory, which was unacceptable to Moldova.

10. (C) Voronin said that EUBAM has made a huge contribution along
the Ukrainian border in interfering with the Mafioso flows of
weapons/goods/drugs etc. through Transnistria. He stressed his wish
to strengthen EUBAM but cautioned that it was necessary to change the
senior staff each year. Too much money was involved, and personnel
could be seduced into corruption if allowed to stay too long.
Voronin said he favored personnel from rich Scandinavian countries
because they were less likely to be corrupted.

Moldova's Pre-Electoral Internal Politics
--------------

11. (C) Voronin said it was necessary to make government changes in
the pre-electoral period so that the new government would work
effectively until the end of its mandate. There were "cadre
problems" and he thought it necessary to put in new people in order
not to lose pre-electoral support. He was very pleased with how Mrs.
Greceanii is working as Prime Minister. Voronin also praised Foreign
Minister Stratan. He had wanted a team of young, pro-European people
and was pleased that the new cabinet did not have even one Soviet-era
leader.

12. (C) Voronin said he understood his political mandate would finish
next year, and he had no pretension to extend it. He would devote
himself to raising grapes and other private pursuits, though perhaps
remain a deputy in parliament. But he left no doubt that he wanted
Moldova's political course to follow the lines he had set. He
speculated that Moldova needed eight more years of the policies he
put in place to ensure its own sovereignty and place in the world.
Voronin said that he already knows whom he has in mind to be the PCRM
candidate for president, but will not reveal the name now, lest that
spoil his chances. He would perhaps reveal the name before the
Parliamentary elections, so that voters who vote for the PCRM will
know who the president would be. He said that the person is someone
well-known and respected.

Western Concerns about Elections and Media
--------------

13. (C) Voronin said that Moldova had satisfied most Council of
Europe requirements for electoral laws, with the only remaining
question being the percentage of the threshold. Although he has been
criticized and told that five percent would be fairer than six, PCRM
deputies in parliament had their own views and could not always be
swayed, even by Vornin himself. He underscored his desire to see a
European course for Moldova. European delegations sometimes complain
about lack of press freedoms, but Voronin scoffed that they could not
give concrete examples. Voronin said anyone looking at the press
could see much open and free criticism of him and the PCRM.

Voronin's Opposition to the Opposition
--------------

14. (C) In commenting on opposition leaders, Voronin showed most
dislike for Urechean. He claimed Urechean's popularity had slipped
to under 8 percent and if it continued to drop, Urechean might not
make it over the 6 percent hurdle. Voronin charged that Urechean's
ten years as mayor of Chisinau had been a total disaster, allowing
corrupt clans in Chisinau to make inroads. He claimed that after the
2005 elections Urechean got financing from Russia via Transnistria,
but then went over to a pro-Romanian position. He said that there
were many "strange things" in Moldovan politics that were difficult
to understand.

15. (C) As an example he cited former Prime Minister Tarlev's recent
establishment of the Friends of Russia movement. Voronin said the
circle around Tarlev wanted eventually to establish a political party
to be a third force between the PCRM and opposition. Tarlev had
turned down an offer to be a PCRM deputy and opted to form this
pro-Russia group, much to Voronin's displeasure. Voronin

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sarcastically speculated "if I'm not in this group, does that make me
an enemy of Russia?"

16. (C) Voronin admitted that he himself had been surprised by how
Iurie Rosca had realigned and was now in informal coalition with the
communists. He attributed the turnabout to a 2005 incident in which
the Government had saved Rosca's life from an FSB assassination plot.
He felt the two could work together on key issues. Voronin had
promised Rosca not to change the flag, the hymn, or the state
language, and in return had secured Rosca's support. Voronin said
that it was possible to make agreements with Rosca, and deal with him
"like a man." Diacov on the other hand, dithered about, saying one
thing, and then the next day changing his mind. Commenting on Filat,
Voronin called him a "dangerous creature" and said that he just does
not understand what Filat wants. Voronin claimed that Filat,
Urechean and Pasat are linked in an effort to overturn Communist
power with Moscow's help.

Voronin believes FSB is behind Pasat
--------------

17. (C) Voronin spoke at length about former Minister of Defense
Pasat, saying that probably neither the U.S. Embassy nor U.S.
intelligence services know the whole story. He charged that when
Pasat was working as Moldova's ambassador to Moscow, he had been
recruited as an FSB agent. Pasat also had close relations with
Transnistrian security services chief Antiufeev. Voronin charged
that Pasat had served as a channel for money. When Voronin had
become president, Pasat had proposed a scheme to use Russian
airplanes stationed at the Marciulesti Military Airport to export
weapons to Africa, Iraq and other locations. Voronin said he
expressed his outrage at the thought that Moldova would be sending
contraband to world terrorists and later decided to remove Pasat. He
said that the FSB never forgave him for closing the flow of weapons
through Transnistria, and Pasat is now again active in scheming
against him.

Good Agricultural Year, More Trade with Europe
-------------- -

18. (C) Voronin said that this year has been a good one for the
agricultural sector, particularly in comparison to last year's
catastrophic drought. Voronin talked about a plot of land he
recently purchased where he is cultivating grapes and was
enthusiastic in his praise for Israeli drip irrigation technology,
which he wants to introduce in Moldova.

19. (C) Voronin said the Russian wine blockade ended up as a cloud
with a silver lining for Moldova, as the country was able to reorient
its exports. Moldovan wine had fallen from 75 percent of the Russian
market to only 15 percent but other markets were found. Poland was
the biggest European consumer of Moldovan wine. With European Union
trade preferences, trade with the EU was up 30 percent in the first
six months of this year While Ukraine was still Moldova's number one
trading partner, followed by Russia, Italy was now Moldova's biggest
trading partner in the EU. Voronin concluded that European trade
preferences have put Moldova in a unique position to import from the
EU and sell to the CIS or vice versa, and Moldova should take greater
advantage of this circumstance.

Comment
--------------

20. (C) This meeting was conducted in Russian and without
interpreters, with only Voronin, the Charge and Pol/Econ Chief
participating. Voronin appeared more relaxed and open than we had
even seen him before. He was seated under a tree when we arrived,
dressed casually in T-shirt (Yves Saint Laurent),slacks and running
shoes. He took great pride in the dacha which he said he had been
renovating throughout his presidency. He drove Charge and Emboff
around the grounds in a golf cart to show the sites, which included a
lake stocked with carp, a mini-farm with ducks, geese and barnyard
animals, as well as his three favorite dogs. He seemed to show a side
of himself not otherwise evident- as a nature-lover who cares for
animals, makes his own wine and food products and yearns for a simple
country life.

21 (C) Yet the great contradictions of the man were also evident.
While stressing his humble country roots and dislike for diplomatic
receptions and protocol, he entertained in extravagant rooms worthy
of Hapsburg hunting lodges with antiques, hunting trophies and
antlers covering walls. He asked Charge disparagingly why the
Embassy used Toyota Land Cruisers and boasted that he had just
acquired the latest Cadillac SUV and was a fan of all Cadillac cars.
Above all, he showed himself torn by his life-long communist
ideology, ambivalence for the new Russia, and attraction to Western
material wealth and a European direction for Moldova. He appeared in
part to resolve these conflicts by interpreting the world through
personalities and conspiracies which he himself admitted he sometimes
could not understand. He came across as a man still very much in
charge of his party and country but also as one beginning to

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reminisce about the past more than looking to the future.

PERINA