Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
08BRUSSELS1074
2008-07-16 12:08:00
UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
Embassy Brussels
Cable title:  

KING ALBERT BRINGS THE POLITICIANS TOGETHER AND

Tags:  PGOV PREL BE 
pdf how-to read a cable
VZCZCXRO9062
OO RUEHAG RUEHDF RUEHIK RUEHLZ RUEHROV
DE RUEHBS #1074/01 1981208
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
O 161208Z JUL 08
FM AMEMBASSY BRUSSELS
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 7701
INFO RUCNMEM/EU MEMBER STATES COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RHEHNSC/NSC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 BRUSSELS 001074 

SENSITIVE
SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PGOV PREL BE
SUBJECT: KING ALBERT BRINGS THE POLITICIANS TOGETHER AND
WHY AGREEMENT ON BRUSSELS-HALLE-VILVOORDE IS IMPORTANT TO
BELGIAN POLITICIANS

REF: BRUSSELS 1071

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 BRUSSELS 001074

SENSITIVE
SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PGOV PREL BE
SUBJECT: KING ALBERT BRINGS THE POLITICIANS TOGETHER AND
WHY AGREEMENT ON BRUSSELS-HALLE-VILVOORDE IS IMPORTANT TO
BELGIAN POLITICIANS

REF: BRUSSELS 1071


1. (SBU) SUMMARY: After Prime Minister Yves Leterme's
surprise resignation late July 14 (reftel),Belgium is still
in a state of limbo as King Albert II continues to play his
intermediary role in the complex Belgian political process.
King Albert is discussing with all the political factions
what the next steps should be in resuming institutional
reform talks. He would like to come to some agreement as
soon as possible, but certainly before he has to address the
nation on Belgium National Day July 21.
Brussels-Halle-Vilvoorde (B-H-V),an issue of key importance
to politicians and one with origins back to the original
linguistic divide of 1962-63, may be the most difficult to
resolve. END SUMMARY.


2. (SBU) According to the Belgian constitution, the monarch
does not have decision-making powers. His ministers are the
responsible parties of government. In dealing with PM Yves
Leterme's unexpected resignation, King Albert finds himself
in the role of a sounding board who listens to all and brings
the various parties together and gets them to talk to each
other. He acts as the go-between who will only accept the
resignation if he determines the situation deadlocked.


3. (SBU) There are several factors politicians must
consider in Leterme's proposal to move the institutional
reform discussions to the regional level. First, there are
three regions -- Flanders, Wallonia, and Brussels -- two of
which are Francophone. Thus, to balance talks, there must be
a way to bring in another Flemish representative agreeable to
all sides, and they must also consider political party
representation. Second, they all must agree on a format for
the talks. Third, there must be concurrence on issues to
discuss; will B-H-V be on the agenda? Who will determine the
scope of the discussions? Fourth, is there an assurance from
the parties they are willing to bargain in good faith?
Fifth, will there be a new deadline established?

B-H-V
--------------


4. (SBU) One of the most contentious and complex issues is
that of Brussels-Halle-Vilvoorde (B-H-V). Today Brussels,
the country's third region, is bilingual, but its population
is 85 per cent Francophone. Below is a history and
explanation of this issue which is so important to Belgian

politicians.

Historic Overview
--------------

1962-63: Belgium's linguistic border was established. Along
with other municipalities along this border, six Flemish
Brussels suburbs obtained special language status: i.e.,
inhabitants could request services and official documents in
French. The country was divided into four language regions:
the Dutch-language region, the French-language region, the
German-language region and the bilingual Brussels region.
The respective languages became official languages of the
region, thus, the official language became compulsory for all
administrative proceedings and documents. In Brussels,
French and Dutch are equally official. (Note: The
Constitution guarantees free individual use of languages.
End Note.). The country remains sub-divided into nine
provinces, including the bi-lingual Brabant province with
Brussels as its capital. The Brussels electoral district
remains unchanged; i.e., the bi-lingual Brussels
arrondissement, together with the Flemish Halle and Vilvoorde
arrondissements. (Arrondissements are administrative
subdivisions of a province.)

1968 and 1987: In landmark rulings the European Human Rights
Court established that dividing up the country into
unilingual regions was not unlawful discrimination and that
the way the electoral districts were organized was not
discrimination against a language minority living in a given
language region.

1970: The division of Belgium into four language regions was
enshrined in the Constitution. Special majorities in
Parliament were then required to change the limits of the
language regions.

1980 and 1989: Flanders, Wallonia and Brussels became
economic regions of Belgium.


BRUSSELS 00001074 002 OF 003


1988: The constitution was again amended, making it more
difficult to change the status of the municipalities with
language privileges, including the six Brussels suburbs.

1995: The Brabant Province was split into two separate
entities: the Flemish Brabant Province and the Walloon
Brabant Province. The bilingual Brussels region was no
longer part of a province. No amendments were made to the
electoral districts.

2002: The Verhofstadt government decided on an amendment to
the electoral code. The number of electoral districts was
reduced. The electoral districts from then on coincided with
the provinces, except for Brussels-Halle-Vilvoorde.

2003: The Constitutional Court ruled that it is not within
its jurisdiction to voice an opinion regarding the need to
divide Brussels-Halle-Vilvoorde. However, keeping it
unchanged would mean discrimination for those who contest
seats in Halle and Vilvoorde, because they would have to
compete with Francophone candidates from Brussels. The Court
argued that this discrimination had to be addressed before
the end of the four-year legislative term. This deadline was
circumvented by advancing the general elections from June 24
to June 10, 2007.


5. (SBU) Elections for the federal House and Senate and for
Representatives to the European Parliament. Halle and
Vilvoorde are already part of the Flemish Brabant electoral
district for the regional parliament elections. In the
2007 general elections, 78,352 votes were cast on Francophone
tickets in Halle and Vilvoorde, amounting to 22 percent of
the total vote. In the 2004 regional elections -- in the
absence of national Francophone heavyweights -- the Union des
Francophones (UF) ticket garnered 43,391 votes in the
Brussels periphery. As the percentages show, the
Francophone vote matters for politicians both in Brussels and
in Flanders. Moreover, the municipalities with special
language status of the Brussels periphery all have
Francophone majorities in the local councils, and,
consequently, Francophone mayors and aldermen.


6. (SBU) The Flemish demands are twofold. If a separate
Flemish Brabant electoral district would be made including
Halle and Vilvoorde, no Flemish candidate would stand a
chance of getting elected for the federal House and Senate in
Brussels. Therefore, the Flemish parties not only want to
split the B-H-V electoral district, they equally seek to
obtain a system whereby votes obtained in Flemish Brabant and
Brussels can be pooled, guaranteeing the election of
Flemings in the Brussels electoral district. This pooling
system would also apply between Brussels and Brabant Walloon.


7. (SBU) The Francophones want the status-quo, but they
have many matching demands, including a Brussels capital
region reaching far beyond the current 19 municipalities. The
strictest minimum would be joining Sint-Genesius-Rode to
Brussels, whereby a "corridor" would be established between
Brussels and Wallonia. But ceding one single Flemish
municipality to Brussels would lead to an emotional outcry in
Flanders, and dearly cost the Flemish mainstream parties. A
compromise would more likely include additional financial
means for the Brussels capital region, which has the highest
unemployment of any region in the country. Another
Francophone demand is for the Flemish Interior Minister to
nominate the three recalcitrant Francophone mayors of
Linkebeek, Wezembeek-Oppem and Kraainem who violated the
language laws on the occasion of the 2006 municipal
elections. The Francophone parties have in the past also
demanded ratification of the Council of Europe Framework
Convention on the Protection of National Minorities. Other
Francophone demands that may be considered are a nationwide
electoral district for a selected number of parliamentarians,
or a federal Senate composed of an equal number of Flemish
and Francophone members.


8. (SBU) A constitutional amendment is not required to
change the status-quo, but what is necessary is an amendment
to the electoral code. It can be adopted by a plurality in
the two houses of the federal parliament. A draft bill on
B-H-V sponsored by the Flemish parties was adopted by the
House Interior Committee in November 2007. The Francophone
Community Parliament immediately started a conflict of
interest procedure, stalling further action during a 120-day
period. At the end of this period, a new such proceeding
was started in May 2008 by the Francophone Community
Commission of the Brussels regional parliament (COCOF). This

BRUSSELS 00001074 003 OF 003


gave Leterme extra time to seek a political compromise on the
issue. In theory, these legal stalling maneuvers could be
continued until 2009. The Council of State has argued that
cutting up the B-H-V district would not be unconstitutional,
but the Council made reservations concerning a pooling system
which would be more advantageous for Flemish candidates than
for Francophone candidates.


9. (SBU) In addition, there is a bilingual
Brussels-Halle-Vilvoorde judicial district and adjustments to
this district may become part of the political deal. It is a
real issue; due to the Constitutional Court ruling, future
general elections could at any time be challenged in court if
no action is taken. However, validating general elections is
the exclusive jurisdiction of Parliament. The constitutional
scholars are not in agreement about the legal pitfalls if
general elections were held without B-H-V being solved.


10. (SBU) COMMENT: Leterme's resignation may be a clever
political ploy to buy time in the face of an impossible
deadline. Leterme is still very much involved in the
process, and with the King could work out a way to
restructure and restart the institutional reform talks. King
Albert seems to agree with Leterme that the regions should be
involved and a new format for talks is necessary. They hope
that some agreement can be reached, even if B-H-V remains an
issue, before King Albert addresses Belgium on their July 21
National Day. END COMMENT.

FOX
.