SPEAK INTO MY SAMOVAR: RUSSIAN AMBASSADOR EAGER

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 BISHKEK 001136

SIPDIS

DEPT FOR SCA/CEN

E.O. 12958: DECL: 11/06/2018
TAGS: PGOV PREL MARR KG
SUBJECT: SPEAK INTO MY SAMOVAR: RUSSIAN AMBASSADOR EAGER
FOR RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RAPPROCHEMENT IN KYRGYZSTAN

REF: A. BISHKEK 924

B. BISHKEK 1133

BISHKEK 00001136 001.2 OF 003


Classified By: Ambassador Tatiana C. Gfoeller, Reasons 1.4 (b) and (d).


1. (C) SUMMARY: Over tea in the Ambassador's office,
Russian Ambassador Valentin Vlasov shared his frustration
that the Kyrgyz often perceive Russia and America as
antagonists in the region playing a renewed version of the
Great Game. In some cases, he thought this was the better to
"milk" each side for aid. He and the Ambassador agreed that
their two countries actually share a number of interests in
the region, including: the fight against terrorism and
narcotrafficking, concern over the rise of Islamic extremism
in Kyrgyzstan, and the need for stability in Afghanistan.
Vlasov hoped that a new U.S. Administration would "solve" the
Afghan problem once and for all. The two Ambassadors
considered a possible joint press interview where they would
accentuate these common interests and agreed to seek guidance
on such an idea from their respective capitals. The Russian
Ambassador condemned Kyrgyz corruption vis-a-vis
Russian-owned local businesses. He concluded by sharing his
impression that the August Georgia events had emporewered
Medvedev vis-a-vis Putin: "The whole world condemned
Medvedev and he did not blink. Now he isn't scared of
anybody anymore, including Putin." END SUMMARY.

"I'VE NEVER EVEN SEEN YOUR OFFICE!" HE WHINED
--------------


2. (C) Temperamental Ambassador of the Russian Federation
Valentin Vlasov can be hard to predict. As he demonstrated
during the Ambassador's initial call on him, he can veer from
aggressiveness to sudden warmth (see ref A). However, a
hardy perennial has been his complaint that while he had
given a tour of his Embassy to the Ambassador, in his several
years in Bishkek, he had never been invited inside the U.S.
Embassy. "I've never even seen your office!" he practically
whined with self-pity. The Ambassador decided to cut short
his efforts to turn this into some kind of personal injury
(and emblem of distrust between the two countries) by
formally inviting him to tea in her office on November 6. A
delighted Vlasov arrived bearing gifts: a huge scarlet box
containing an inexpensive modern samovar.

DOWN WITH THE GREAT GAME AND "MILKING TWO COWS"
-------------- --


3. (C) Vlasov, who had attended the U.S. Elections event at
the Ambassador's residence the day before (see ref B),was
effusive in his congratulations on a successful Presidential
election and hopes for cooperation with the in-coming Obama
Administration. Turning to matters closer to home, he shared
his frustration that the Kyrgyz often perceive Russia and
America as antagonists in the region playing a renewed
version of the Great Game. The Ambassador agreed that this
perception does exist among some, though she emphasized that
this is an erroneous interpretation of (at least USG) policy.
In this context, she cited the remarks to that effect made
by Assistant Secretary Boucher while recently in Bishkek.


4. (C) Vlasov stated that he thought that in some cases,
the Kyrgyz were genuinely confused "on whose side" they
should be and were afraid of making the wrong choice. For
example, he said high-level Kyrgyz officials had confided to
him on the margins of the recent CIS Summit that the GOKR was
afraid of recognizing the sovereignty of South Ossetia and
Abkhazia because "if we do it, the Americans will punish us
and take away our aid." However, they also told him that
they would be sure to make statements supporting the Russian
position on the August Georgia events because "we know that
if we don't you'll punish us as well."


BISHKEK 00001136 002.2 OF 003



5. (C) On the other hand, Vlasov continued, sometimes the
Kyrgyz simply play both the American and Russian sides off
against the middle the better to "milk" both sides for aid.
The Ambassador shared that a Kyrgyz official had once told
her as a joke that the GOKR likes to have both strong Russian
and American involvement in the Kyrgyz Republic because "this
way we can get milk from two cows." Vlasov laughed that this
reminded him of an old Russian saying: "The smart child has
two mothers to drink milk from." Rather surprisingly, he
concluded that much of this was also due to a "typically
post-Soviet" Kyrgyz aversion to think for themselves, decide
on a course of action, and take responsibility: "I can't tell
you how many times they've come to me asking what they should
do over some problem or other. They get upset at me when I
tell them to make up their own minds."

"MORE UNITES US THAN DIVIDES US" (IN THE REGION)
-------------- ---


6. (C) The Ambassador and Vlasov agreed that their two
countries actually share a number of interests in the region,
including: the fight against terrorism and narcotrafficking,
concern over the rise of Islamic extremism in Kyrgyzstan, and
the need for stability in Afghanistan. Vlasov shared his
particular concern over the increasing popularity of
extremist Islam among Kyrgyz young men. He believed this
tendency was spreading at an alarming rate from southern
Kyrgyzstan to the North and bitterly blamed Saudi financing
for the trend. He waxed eloquent about the need to "solve"
the Afghan problem once and for all, thus bringing much
needed stability to the entire region. Echoing standard
Russian policy, he lamented that the USG had allegedly let
itself be distracted in Iraq when it should have been
concentrating on rooting out the Taliban. He expressed the
hope that the new Administration would "stop repairing and
repainting this broken chair and just get a new one."


7. (C) Talk then turned to op-ed articles that both Vlasov
and the DCM had submitted to the same Kyrgyz newspaper before
the Ambassador's arrival on South Ossetia and Abkhazia. The
articles had run on facing pages and -- not surprisingly --
had professed diametrically opposite views. Vlasov
acknowledged that in areas such as the Caucasus American and
Russian interests are divergent. In Central Asia, however,
he thought that "more unites us than divides us." In this
context, the two Ambassadors then considered the possibility
of a join interview with a single Kyrgyz journalist where
they would accentuate these common interests and put to rest
the fears (of some Kyrgyz) that the GOKG would have to choose
between friendship with one or the other state. So
enthusiastic was Vlasov that he said he would immediately
call Moscow to propose this initiative and "We could do it
tomorrow!" The Ambassador gently cautioned him that it might
take longer for her to obtain guidance but promised to refer
the proposal to the Department.

"WE FLEECE ALL CIS COMPANIES EQUALLY"
--------------


8. (C) Vlasov then turned to his travails supporting
Russian-owned local businesses. He recounted that he is
often called upon by Russian businessmen to protest to Kyrgyz
authorities that they are being "fleeced" ("nas raketiruyut")
by GOKG officials. When he did this recently, a Kyrgyz
bureaucrat told him he should stay out of internal Kyrgyz
affairs. When Vlasov protested that he was supposed to stand
up for his countrymen, the bureaucrat remonstrated: "Don't
act like a Westerner. Russian companies are just like ours.
We fleece all CIS companies equally, including our own Kyrgyz
ones."

GEORGIA SHOWED MEDVEDEV HOW STRONG HE CAN BE
--------------

BISHKEK 00001136 003.2 OF 003




9. (C) The Ambassador of the Russian Federation concluded
the discussion by sharing his impression of the current state
of Putin-Medvedev dynamics. Vlasov claimed to know each of
the men personally. At the beginning of their "tandem"
governing arrangement, Vlasov thought that Medvedev was shy
and unsure of his own strength. He deferred to Putin, and
Putin expected that this state of affairs would continue.
Then came the August Georgia events. Medvedev had had a
choice: hide behind Putin (and blame him for the negative
fallout) or take ownership of the Russian position. Medvedev
chose the latter course. At a certain point, that meant that
"The whole world condemned Medvedev and he did not blink."


10. (C) After that, Vlasov claimed, the dynamic between the
two men changed. Medvedev realized that he personally could
withstand the harshest criticism without being intimidated.
At the end of the day, he was still the President of the
Russian Federation. No one could take that away from him --
not the West, not even Putin. Vlasov claimed to have seen
evidence of this new liberating assertiveness during
Medvedev's recent speech in the Kremlin's Georgyevskiy Zal.
For example, Medvedev kept referring to "my" policies and
decisions. Even the tough Putin used to say "ours" according
to Vlasov. Vlasov reiterated that he credited the Georgia
events with clarifying in Medvedev's own eyes and those of
his countrymen that he is ultimately in charge: "Now he
isn't scared of anybody anymore, including Putin.

COMMENT
--------------


11. (C) Although we take some of his professions of shared
interests with a grain of salt, he seemed genuinely
interested in a joint interview that would accentuate those
areas of common interest that we do share. Such a joint
U.S.-Russian event would help defuse the "Great Game" theme
that dominates the media and undermines Kyrgyz support for
Manas Air Base.
GFOELLER