LEADERSHIP CHANGES IMPROVE BULGARIAN INTELLIGENCE

S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 03 SOFIA 000115

SIPDIS

SIPDIS
NOFORN

DEPT. FOR EUR/NCE, INR

E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/24/2017
TAGS: PGOV PINR PREL BU
SUBJECT: LEADERSHIP CHANGES IMPROVE BULGARIAN INTELLIGENCE
SERVICES; MORE POLITICAL INFIGHTING POSSIBLE

REF: A. 06 SOFIA 1655

B. 06 SOFIA 1499

Classified By: Amb. John Beyrle for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d)


1. (C) SUMMARY: Bulgaria made a surprise, but largely
positive change at the top of a key security service on
January 11, replacing the country's counterintelligence
chief, National Security Service (NSS) chief Ivan Chobanov,
with long time NSS Deputy Head Ivan Drashkov. As attention
centered on the NSS shakeup, troubles continued at the
National Intelligence Service (NIS, the external service),
with MPs appointing an ad-hoc commission to gather
information about the recent apparent suicides of two NIS
officials. While local speculation saw the reshuffle aimed
at deflecting attention from problems at the NIS or as a play
by Interior Minister Rumen Petkov to strengthen his control
over key MOI services, we believe the NSS move is more likely
linked to larger plans to restructure the Bulgarian
intelligence community --as well as simple dissatisfaction
with Chobanov's performance. In particular, we see the
appointment of pro-Western career intelligence officer Ivan
Drashkov to replace Chobanov as a significant step in the
right direction. END SUMMARY.

THE NSS CHIEF: DISMISSED WITH PRAISE


2. (C) On January 11, the government press office announced
the cabinet's decision (approved by President Parvanov) to
dismiss National Security Service (NSS) Chief Ivan Chobanov
and appoint one of the NSS's two deputy directors, Ivan
Drashkov, to replace him. The Interior Ministry said
Chobanov, who has headed the NSS since February 2002, "has
stated his desire to leave the post of NSS chief and take up
another post, thereby terminating his career at the Interior
Ministry." As head of the country's domestic security and
counterintelligence service, Chobanov is widely believed to
have access to "dirt" on Bulgaria's political leadership; by
announcing its intention to name him Bulgaria's envoy to
Zimbabwe, the government has allowed him to save a bare
minimum of face while, ensuring that he keeps a comfortable
distance from the country's political life. (A similar
strategy of de facto exile was followed with another "man who
knew too much" -- former Chief Prosecutor Nikolai Filchev,
now Bulgarian Ambassador to Kazakhstan.)


3. (SBU) While local media dug for facts and pondered
Chobanov's sudden desire to pursue a diplomatic career in
Africa, Interior Minister Petkov heaped praise on the ex-NSS
chief. In a series of interviews following Chobanov's
dismissal, Petkov said he was "exceedingly satisfied" with
Chobanov's professionalism and excellent work, and especially
noted his contribution in reforming the NSS. In addition,
Chobanov was decorated with the Interior Ministry's Medal of
Honor in recognition of his successful work. Local press
ironically juxtaposed Petkov's effusive praise with the
frequency with which Bulgarian security chiefs are "fired for
excellent service."

IN THE GENDARMERIE: MUCH ADO ABOUT NOTHING


4. (SBU) The suspension of the head of the MoI's Gendarmerie
service --also made public January 11-- provoked a brief
surge of additional political and media scrutiny. The
Interior Ministry announced that Gendarmerie chief Zhivko
Zhivkov was suspended from office on suspicion of abuse of
authority, and that materials gathered during an internal
inspection had been handed to the District Military
Prosecutor's Office. Zhivkov denied wrongdoing and told
local media he had volunteered to temporarily leave his post
while the investigation was ongoing. The ministry gave no
further details but local media reported the issue was linked
to alleged nepotism. Two days later, Zhivkov was reinstated
as the military prosecutors declined to initiate pretrial
proceedings due to a lack of evidence.

TROUBLES AT THE INTELLIGENCE SERVICE



5. (C) The National Intelligence Service was not immune from
difficulties of its own. (Note: The NIS handles foreign
intelligence and reports directly to the President, while the
NSS focuses on domestic counterintelligence and internal
security and reports to the Minister of Interior.) The NIS's
latest round of troubles date to late 2006, and center on the
mysterious presumed suicide of the official in charge of the
service's intelligence archives. Bozhidar Doychev, who
served as director of the NIS archives since 1991, was found

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in his office with a bullet in his head on 15 November 2006,
just as parliament was preparing a law on the opening of
communist-era secret files (Ref. A). Another NIS employee,
Ivan Rakov, was found shot dead on 14 December 2006. On
January 17, the parliamentary Domestic Security and Public
Order Committee summoned NIS chief Gen. Kircho Kirov to
testify on the two cases. At the closed-door hearing, Kirov
reportedly reiterated that the two deaths were suicides
resulting from the victims' personal problems and were not
related to their work at the NIS. Given the relative rarity
of suicides, and the close timing, MPs were apparently
unconvinced and set up a three member ad-hoc committee to
collect information and produce a detailed analysis.

RESHUFFLE RENEWS DEBATE ON SERVICES


6. (C) The simultaneous dismissals at the MOI and the ongoing
investigation of the two NIS deaths have reinvigorated the
public and political debate about the reorganization and
regulation of the country's intelligence services.
Currently, the intelligence service (NIS) and the National
Protection Service are under the President while the
counter-intelligence and security service (NSS) and the
anti-mafia body, the Chief Directorate for Combating
Organized Crime, are structures within the Interior Ministry.
Following Chobanov's dismissal, Nikolai Svinarov, former
Defense Minister and Chairman of parliament's Domestic
Security Committee, said the Interior Minister should have
coordinated the changes at the MOI with Parliament, and
proposed restructuring the services to bring the NIS under
the supervision of the government.


7. (SBU) President Parvanov, who began his second five-year
term on January 22, used his inauguration speech to urge MPs
to adopt a new legal framework for the work of the secret
services, aimed at strengthening civilian control and
ensuring greater transparency. Parvanov also made clear
that he opposed consolidation of the intelligence services
under one authority, which would remove his control over the
NIS. "The main thing is not to have over-centralized
services with new levels of management, but to achieve
effective coordination among them." Parvanov floated again
his idea for the creation of an independent service to combat
high-level corruption. Thus far only Chief Prosecutor Boris
Velchev, a former legal advisor of Parvanov, has backed the
president, while most government figures have remained
silent.

THE NEW NSS CHIEF: A TRUE PROFESSIONAL


8. (C) The new NSS chief, Ivan Drashkov, is a career
intelligence officer with 21 years of service. He is
respected by politicians of all stripes, which has allowed
him to retain the key post of deputy NSS head during three
subsequent post-communist governments. He began his career
in the then-State Security Agency's Second Chief Directorate
(responsible for counterintelligence) in 1986, three years
before the collapse of communism. rising through the ranks
until 1999, when the rightist government of Ivan Kostov
promoted him to serve as one of the service's two deputy
chiefs. After the dismissal of then-NSS chief (and current
MP) Atanas Atanasov, Drashkov served as acting NSS chief from
November 2001 - February 2002.

COMMENT:
--------------


9. (S/NF) In the experience of agencies at post, Drashkov is
a true professional who hopes to use his mandate to stamp out
corruption, reallocate resources to counter emerging threats
such as terrorism, and boost morale and service discipline.
Unlike his old boss Chobanov, who was widely viewed as
incompetent and close to Russia, Drashkov has a pro-Western,
anti-Russian outlook. While he owes his appointment to
Minister Petkov, Drashkov also begins his term with the
support of President Parvanov, PM Stanishev, and leaders of
other political parties. He has a reputation for being his
own man; we expect he will resist pressure to politicize the
NSS.


10. (S/NF) Despite the public clamor over the recent
reshuffle at MoI, we believe the larger story here is the
looming fight over the future of the NIS. While the
government cleans house at NSS, the president is increasingly
hard-pressed to justify his continuing control over the NIS,
where Gen. Kirov's miserable leadership record has led many
to call for his dismissal. Kirov's fate may, in turn,
determine the fate of his service. President Parvanov -- who

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admitted during last year's election campaign to the
existence of an intelligence dossier on his contacts with the
communist State Security (Ref. B) -- may be loath to dismiss
the man who controls the country's intelligence archives.
But by keeping the sycophantic Kirov in charge, Parvanov
feeds the voices in Parliament who would like to strip the
NIS from his control.
BEYRLE