ITALY ON THE UNSC: A EUROPEAN VOICE

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 ROME 000175

SIPDIS

NOFORN
SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/25/2017
TAGS: PREL UNSC IT
SUBJECT: ITALY ON THE UNSC: A EUROPEAN VOICE

REF: A. 06 ROME 3279


B. 06 ROME 3131

C. 06 ROME 3132

D. ROME 116

Classified By: Deputy Chief of Mission Anna M. Borg for reasons 1.4 (b)
and (d).


1. (C) Summary. Italy enters the UN Security Council under
Romano Prodi's center-left government, looking to show its
commitment to multilateralism, enhance EU coordination on
UNSC issues, and focus on areas within the GOI sphere of
influence and where it has troop commitments. The Middle
East, Iran, Lebanon, Afghanistan, and Kosovo will be top
priorities for Italy, although the GOI will play an active
role on the range of UNSC agenda items. Italy welcomes the
additional attention to human rights issues in the Council.
Although the U.S. and Italy generally agree on the direction
the international community needs to take on the major issues
the UN will face, the Italians prefer greater dialogue and
multilateralism. Additionally, we must be cognizant of the
fact that Foreign Minister Massimo D'Alema may at times take
key decisions away from his advisors - and even from his
ministry - and make decisions himself (Ref A). Following is
an overview of GOI positions on U.S. priorities in the UNSC.
End Summary.

Iran
--------------

2. (C) MFA DG for Political and Multilateral Affairs
(Political Director) Giulio Terzi told EUR/WE Director
Allegrone January 24 that Italy would follow the EU common
position on Iran and argue for "effective implementation" of
UNSCR 1737. While Italy has said it supports Iran sanctions
and has provided valuable information on Bank Sepah, as
Tehran's second-largest trade partner in Europe Italy is
concerned about wider sanctions setting in motion a process
of escalation whose outcome is not predictable. Italy has
encouraged U.S. engagement with Iran. Having felt excluded
in the past by the EU3 from discussions on Iran policy, the
GOI plans to use its UNSC seat to push for a new format, and
is grateful that we have begun to include them in
consultations (Ref B).

Lebanon
--------------

3. (C) Italy has played a leading role in international
efforts to stabilize Lebanon. In July, at the request of the
U.S., Italy hosted an international conference attended by
Foreign Ministers from 20 nations and international
organizations to discuss the international community's role
in resolving the current crisis in Lebanon. Immediately
after the conference, Italy pledged to contribute 3,000
soldiers to an enhanced UNIFIL. With just over 2,400 troops
on the ground, Italy is the single largest troop contributor
and will take over command of the forces on the ground
February 17. They currently command the UNIFIL planning cell
in New York as well.

Kosovo
--------------

4. (C) As a member of the Contact Group of nations working on
the future status of Kosovo, Italy maintains close contact
with the U.S. on this issue. In the past, cooperation with
Italy has been excellent and Italy places a premium on
Contact Group unity. As the closest CG nation to the
Balkans, however, Italy is concerned about absorbing the
effects of any possible instability. Hence, Italy appears
more cautious than the rest of the Quint inside the CG. We
expect that Italy's actions on the Security Council will be
guided by its participation in the CG. Our efforts in
lobbying the GOI should be made through CG structures.

Iraq
--------------

5. (C) Although Italy no longer maintains a military presence
in Iraq, it continues to maintain a civilian Reconstruction
Support Unit (USR) in Dhi Qar. Additionally, Italy
participates in the NATO Training Mission. Despite the fact
that this government based part of its election campaign on
opposition to Italy's military participation in the war in
Iraq, the GOI shares our goal of promoting a secure, stable
and sovereign Iraq. Italy can be expected to support any
resolutions to continue the MNF-I presence in Iraq until the
Government of Iraq decides in conjunction with the

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international community that its presence is no longer
warranted.

Afghanistan
--------------

6. (C) The far-left faction of the GOI center-left coalition
government is opposed to continued Italian military presence
in Afghanistan. Funding for the mission is currently front
and center for Italian politicians as they debate their
budget. FM D'Alema has now attempted twice, unsuccessfully,
to float the idea of an international conference on
increasing civil reconstruction assistance to Afghanistan.
The FM views an Italy-initiated conference as important to
underlining the political and reconstruction aspects of the
Afghan mission and securing far-left acquiescence. Italy
plans to host an Afghan donors conference on the justice
sector in February. And the FM announced recently that Italy
will also ask to serve as rapporteur in UNSC discussions on
Afghanistan scheduled for March and October. He hopes to use
this occasion to reintroduce the idea of an international
conference, which he is billing as part of a new element in
the current international strategy.

Middle East: Seeking a Broader Role
--------------

7. (C) The GOI under PM Prodi has sought to play a role in
many international crises and hopes its leadership in Lebanon
will help give it a seat at the table on other important
global issues like Iran, Afghanistan, and the Middle East
Peace Process (Ref C). In a recent visit to Lebanon, Prodi
reiterated his government's belief that the key to long-term
stability in the region is finding an equitable solution to
the Israel-Palestinian conflict, a solution that is
guaranteed by the international community (i.e. UN),and the
Italians would like to help make that happen. Italy will use
its seat on the UNSC to advance its case. Although the GOI
seeks to be an honest broker in the MEPP, and the center-left
government has sought to maintain the improved ties with
Israel initiated by the center-right, the Israeli perception
(and ours) is that FM D'Alema's first instincts still tend to
reflect the traditional pro-Arab orientation of the Italian
left.

Somalia
--------------

8. (C) As the former colonial power and a member of the
International Contact Group, Italy feels it has an important
role to play on Somalia. Italy has looked on U.S. policy in
Somalia up until now as short-term and welcomes our recent
increased attention and leadership. The GOI would like to
see Ethiopian troops depart Somalia as quickly as possible,
and has stressed the need for an inclusive government.
Despite claims to a strong interest in Somalia, the issue has
attracted high-level GOI attention only sporadically. Within
the UNSC, Italy will support an international peacekeeping
force, although it will also call for dialogue with moderate
Islamic leaders and engagement with civil society by the
Transitional Federal Government (Ref D). Italy has offered
Rome as the venue for an eventual donors conference for
Somalia.

An "EU Seat" on the UNSC
--------------

9. (C) Italy has referred to its UNSC membership as an "EU
seat", seeking closer coordination among the EU members of
the Council and EU consensus on issues before the UNSC.
Italy is a strong proponent of European integration and views
its UNSC membership as an opportunity to encourage greater EU
cohesion on foreign policy. Although the GOI holds
steadfastly to its EU strategy in theory, and will look for
consensus in Brussels whenever possible, in practice Italy
will make its own decisions when there is no clear European
position. The GOI knows a real EU seat is a long long way
off.


10. (C) A more likely and more troublesome scenario is that
Italy will work to mollify Russia in the UNSC. Italy under
former PM Berlusconi saw itself as a bridge between Russia
and the transatlantic community. Heavy dependence on Russian
energy, a strong far-left element in the governing coalition,
traditional Italian sympathy toward Russia, and a desire by
Prodi and D'Alema to move the international community toward
a multipolar world mean that this government is more likely
to incorporate Russia's views into its decisionmaking process
than before.

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Resources
--------------

11. (C) While Italy's UN Mission is not large, the MFA has
added four new positions to cover the extra workload during
its UNSC rotation. Even with the additional staff, Amb.
Marcello Spatafora resisted P5 requests to have Italy chair
the Counter Terrorism Committee due to lack of personnel.
With a position equivalent in rank to MFA Political Director
Terzi, and a higher personal rank, Spatafora has the ability
to push back on decisions from Rome. The UN Office in the
MFA is understaffed, but is very competent, with several
diplomats who have prior experience in New York, some during
Italy's last UNSC rotation. Their lack of personnel,
however, means some issues slip through the cracks and
responses to demarches can be slow and difficult to obtain.
SPOGLI