STUDENT DEMONSTRATIONS: FAILED ACTION OR OMINOUS

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 PARAMARIBO 000585

SIPDIS

SIPDIS

DEPT FOR WHA JROSHOLT, INR FOR BOB CARHART

E.O. 12958: DECL: 11/06/2017
TAGS: PGOV NS ASEC
SUBJECT: STUDENT DEMONSTRATIONS: FAILED ACTION OR OMINOUS
SIGN?

REF: PARAMARIBO 176

Classified By: PolOff for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d)


1. (C) SUMMARY. Protest demonstrations organized by the
Youth Collective Suriname (JCS) continued on November 5 and
marked the third time in less than a week that students took
to the streets of Paramaribo, ostensibly to protest
deficiencies in the educational system and other youth
issues. Members of political parties in the governing
coalition warned that the protests are orchestrated by the
opposition National Democratic Party (NDP) with the ultimate
aim of forcing the government to resign. Despite dwindling
numbers of protesters with each action, and a lack of focus,
the JCS said it will continue to call protests until its
demands are met. Many fear opposition leader Desi Bouterse
is behind the protests, and that the protests could be a sign
of more desperate measures to come. This serves to
underscore the real concern that Bouterse would resort to
political instability, in order to prevent the start of his
murder trial. END SUMMARY.

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Unclear Goals
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2. (U) When the Youth Collective Suriname (JCS) initially
mobilized support for a protest demonstration on October 30,
JCS Chairman Phil Hertzberg told the media that students
needed to speak out for their rights and tell the Government
what problems they are facing. The JCS asserted the
Government needed a "wake-up call" regarding annual increases
in University tuition fees, high unemployment rates, and
structural problems in the education system. The JCS,
however, introduced issues with no direct relation to the
youth, such as the government's handling of the maritime
boundary dispute between Suriname and Guyana. The demands of
the protesters shifted depending on the day and which JCS
leader was interviewed, ranging from a list with dozens of
largely youth-oriented points to a vague demand the
government pay attention to youth. While protests originally
focused on demands of University students, few University
students turned up at the protests, which were composed
mostly of high school students. On November 7, the Student
Association of the Anton de Kom University issued a press
release expressing strong disapproval of the demonstrators,
noting in particular the JCS's failure to engage the
government in dialogue prior to taking to the streets.
Minister of Education Edwin Wolf confirmed to media that the
JCS had not contacted the ministry.

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Dwindling Numbers
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3. (U) On the first day of protests, October 30,
approximately 350 people, mostly, but not exclusively
students, participated in a peaceful march and delivered a
petition to the National Assembly. A second peaceful march
on November 2 drew an approximate 250 protesters and
disbanded in the downtown area. A third action drew
approximately 90 students on November 5 and had a different
character - the protest leaders drove to selected schools in
a van, jumped the fence at one school, and tried to rally
students to leave the school and join the protest. The
impact was limited - at only one high school did more than a
handful of students leave the grounds with the protesters,
and most of them went home rather than joining the march. A
protest scheduled for November 1 was canceled in favor of a
planning meeting for which only a handful of participants
showed up, and another protest for November 6 never occurred.
The next protest is scheduled for November 9.

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Accusations of Political Meddling
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4. (U) Suspicions of hidden agendas arose when it became
clear that the protests were to be carried on past the first
day (October 30),and when the JCS began to call for the
Venetiaan Government to step down. Notable were also the
signature military-period NDP-type slogans chanted by
students, the purple shirts worn by some marchers (purple is
the NDP color),and the accusation that NDP supporters
brought water for the marchers. As a reaction, other youth
organizations and members of the Youth Parliament pulled back
their support. Governing coalition parliamentarian Sharmila
Mangal-Mansaram revealed a JCS "master plan" she had obtained

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that reportedly called for increasing pressure over a
three-day period beginning on October 30, with the goal of
other sectors of society joining the youth by the third day
in order to paralyze Paramaribo and force the government to
pay attention - or to resign. Prominent community members
have complained that any youth action should be non-partisan
and not a veiled challenge to the system by a single
political party. They claim the youth are being "used."

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Bouterse,s Shadow
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5. (SBU) Opposition leader and former military strongman
Desi Bouterse and 24 co-defendants are scheduled to go on
trial on November 30 for the murders of fifteen political
opponents in December 1982. Bouterse suggested early in 2007
that he would disrupt the government rather than submit to
the trial (reftel),and many fear the current protests are
part of a Bouterse effort to destabilize Suriname. This is
not the only ongoing protest - as of November 6, about 40
former military members had camped in a downtown park calling
for speedy resolution to their demand that they receive
government employment. Their spokesman joined the youth
protest on November 5. A group of squatters demanding land
rights has repeatedly threatened to occupy government
offices. A group of Amerindians, who fought in the Interior
War in the late 1980s and early 1990s, was reported to "not
rule out" closing down the major highway leading into the
interior if their demands for compensation are not met.
These two latter groups are not allied with the students.

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What,s Next?
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6. (C) Inspector Hendrik Setrosentono of the Surinamese
Police seemed confident the protests were under control, and
told Emboffs "not to worry." The police had a visible, calm,
and mostly organized presence at the protests. The
international community is less optimistic. Dutch and French
Embassy police liaison officers told us they are concerned
the various protest groups could coalesce and create
something more dangerous; in fact, the French told us they
are evaluating their evacuation plans. Many Surinamers
express an uneasy mix of nonchalance and worry. In the words
of government policy advisor and political scholar Hans Lim A
Po, "my fear is fires." In Paramaribo, with its many wooden
buildings, fire has been a traditional weapon of
destabilization, and Surinamers in the security community
joined Lim A Po in his concern that (if Bouterse is behind
the current sputtering protests) arson may follow.


7. (C) COMMENT The fear that Bouterse is behind the student
protests serves to underscore the real concern that Bouterse
would stop at nothing - including political instability - to
prevent the start of his murder trial. Brick throwing or
arson might discredit him or the protesters, but an
inappropriate reaction by a nervous police force could be the
spark that ignites neutral Surinamers to join the handful of
discontented groups now on the streets. Nevertheless, for
the moment, the student protests remain a failure - fewer
students at each protest, no clear demands, public rebuke,
and a failure to follow basic steps in their own "master
plan." If the students are determined to make their mark and
become more desperate to do so, any protest gone awry could
be the spark Bouterse wishes for destabilization. END
COMMENT.
GENTON