INDIGENOUS "FOURTH POWER" POWERLESS

C O N F I D E N T I A L LA PAZ 002234

SIPDIS

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 08/14/2017
TAGS: PGOV PREL PHUM BL
SUBJECT: INDIGENOUS "FOURTH POWER" POWERLESS


Classified By: EcoPol Chief Mike Hammer, reasons 1.4b,d

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Summary
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1. (SBU) On August 10, Emboffs met with members of the
"National Mechanism for Social Control" to receive a briefing
on their operations. The group, composed of leaders of
national civic organizations and unions, is trying to
position itself as a "fourth power" on level with the
legislative, executive, and judicial branches. They claim
this right based on public participation laws and statements
made by President Morales, and they have submitted a proposal
to the Constituent Assembly that would formalize their
standing. However, they are not receiving support from the
Morales administration or the Movement Toward Socialism (MAS)
party, and therefore they are seeking support from
international groups including the U.S. Embassy. End summary.

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The Fourth Power That Be
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2. (SBU) The directorate of the National Mechanism for
Social Control consists of leaders of fourteen national
indigenous and civic groups, with power in their own right.
Members include representatives from student groups,
indigenous groups, labor organizations, and the Landless
Movement. According to the presentation given to Emboffs,
each directorate member was elected from within his or her
organization to be a National Mechanism for Social Control
representative. The president, Daniel Caceres Copa, is a
leader of CONAMAQ, an Andean indigenous organization. (Note:
In early August 2007, CONAMAQ announced a break with the MAS
over the MAS decision to eliminate the "indigenous quota"
under discussion in the Constituent Assembly, which would
have required 70 out of 167 legislators to be indigenous and
elected by indigenous customs. A leader of one of the
indigenous groups who remained in the Unity Pact supporting
the MAS admitted publicly that an indigenous quota is "a
little complicated" in a country where indigenous citizens
are in the majority. End note.)

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Fourth Power to the People
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3. (C) As stated in the National Mechanism for Social
Control proposal to the Constituent Assembly, they seek to be
a "power of social control" based on "the right of
organizations and institutions to supervise, know, evaluate
and participate in public policies...." In their role as
social control, they solicit complaints regarding misconduct,
waste, fraud, or other misdeeds on the part of public
officials. According to one participant from Beni, his
region alone has over 300 complaints pending review. He then
described how it was "unfair" that large land owners had so
much power, which raises questions about the basis of certain
complaints. According to National Mechanism for Social
Control President Caceres, the group is also able to uncover
corruption because they receive Central Bank reports on tax
payouts to local and departmental governments; they then
compare these figures with actual spending observed. The
group is experiencing financial difficulties, however, and
due to lack of funds they have a backlog of complaints and
limited ability to investigate. (Note: Along with longer-term
requests for Embassy support, they requested that the Embassy
pay their rent or provide office supplies. End note.)

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Speaking Truth to Power
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4. (C) Although the National Mechanism for Social Control
claims to have received financial support before from various
countries and international groups, they stated that the MAS
party is currently interfering in their funding by
discouraging international groups from supporting the
National Mechanism for Social Control. They stated that
their request for support from the Venezuelan Embassy was
denied, reportedly because they needed to receive MAS
permission first. President Caceres used Venezuela as an
example of the lack of transparency that justifies a national
social control group, saying that President Chavez's large
donations to Bolivia are not being accounted for
appropriately. President Caceres added that, despite public
claims of transparency and anti-corruption goals, the MAS
does not want a group acting as "social control" against the
MAS-led government.

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Comment
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5. (C) That the National Mechanism for Social Control is
trying to stake its claim as the fourth power in Bolivia is a
direct result of the Morales government's repeated rhetoric
that social groups are a fourth power with equal stature as
the legislative, executive and judicial branches and that all
Bolivian institutions are subject to social control. The
National Mechanism for Social Control is not MAS-controlled
and has received complaints against MAS officials, therefore
neither the MAS nor the Venezuelans will support the group.
The National Mechanism for Social Control's resulting
frustration (or even financial desperation) has led them to
ask the U.S. Embassy to support the creation of President
Morales' so-called fourth power. This kind of frustration is
becoming evident in a number of arenas, as President
Morales's and the MAS party's sweeping promises raise hopes
without results. As President Morales seeks to consolidate
power, it appears the MAS is only interested in a fourth
power it can control. End comment.
GOLDBERG