JAMAICA: OPPOSITION LEADER CLAIMS VENEZUELA GIVING

C O N F I D E N T I A L KINGSTON 000089

SIPDIS

SIPDIS

STATE FOR WHA/CAR (RANDALL BUDDEN, BRIAN NICHOLS)

E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/16/2016
TAGS: PREL PGOV PINR SOCI ABLD AMGT ENRG KCOR KCRM
JM, VZ, CU, XL, XK
SUBJECT: JAMAICA: OPPOSITION LEADER CLAIMS VENEZUELA GIVING
$5-6 MILLION IN CASH TO INFLUENCE OUTCOME OF UPCOMING
NATIONAL ELECTIONS

REF: 06 KINGSTON 2150

Classified By: Ambassador Brenda L. Johnson, reasons 1.4 (b) and (d)

Summary and Action Requested
--------------

1.(C) Opposition Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) Leader Bruce
Golding claims that Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez is
providing US$5-6 million in cash to Prime Minister Portia
Simpson Miller's ruling People,s National Party (PNP) to
influence the outcome of national elections, which must be
held by the end of this year, but which Golding now believes
she will call in February. While espousing confidence in a
JLP victory, Golding says Venezuelan money could prove
crucial in several key marginal constituencies. He would
welcome any U.S. assistance in either intercepting the
Venezuelan money or, if it already has reached Jamaica,
exposing it. Golding is interested in visiting Washington to
outline his perspective on the future direction of
Jamaica-U.S. relations, in which he seeks significant
improvement; post supports such a visit, and requests
Department's approval.
End Summary and Action Requested.

2.(U) Ambassador (accompanied by Poloff) paid a courtesy
call on Opposition Leader Bruce Golding and Jamaica Labour
Party (JLP) Chairman Karl Samuda at JLP Headquarters the
afternoon of January 16; Golding and Samuda shared views on a
wide range of issues.

NEC and Kingston's Mayor
--------------

3.(C) In response to Ambassador's inquiry, Golding said he
had seen a copy of Kingston Mayor Desmond McKenzie (JLP)'s
recent letter of complaint addressed to her regarding the
USAID annex and parking situation around the new embassy
compound (NEC) in Liguanea. The Ambassador reiterated that
the USG was in the process of obtaining all approvals and
building permits required for the new USAID annex, and that
actual construction of the building had not yet begun.
Golding suggested that the Embassy "stay in frequent touch"
with the building superintendent and city engineers to avoid
misunderstandings. The Ambassador assured him the Embassy
would do so, and noted that the parking issue raised by the
Mayor was unrelated to the USAID annex, and could only be
resolved by city authorities enforcing parking laws. The
Ambassador then observed that construction of the new annex
was in everyone's interest, given USAID,s vital role in
Jamaica. Golding and Samuda agreed, and said they were sure
any questions could be "amicably resolved."

National Elections in February?
--------------

4.(C) The Ambassador observed that the latest opinion polls
had shown a rise in Golding's popularity. He responded by
downplaying the importance of such polls, and then said the
JLP was "preparing for the possibility of early elections,"
which were "now being contemplated for next month." He cited
three reasons Prime Minister Portia Simpson Miller (PSM)'s
ruling People's National Party (PNP) may call elections prior
to the start of the Cricket World Cup (CWC) series in March:

(A) The PNP sensed that its popularity now was weakening, and
probably would continue to do so. PSM therefore may opt to
hold elections to avoid further slippage.

(B) CWC now appeared less likely to work in the Government's
political favor. Ticket sales were not as strong as had been
hoped, and the package of matches to be played in Jamaica was
not impressive; only the Pakistan-West Indies match scheduled
for March 13 would attract great interest. Moreover, the
special CARICOM CWC visa was proving problematic.

(C) The Government would be unable to avoid enactment of a
tax package before the end of this year, and would not want
to do so in the run-up to national elections. CWC precluded
holding elections in March/April; therefore, February was a
real possibility. If elections were not held then, the PNP
probably would wait until the end of the year.

Allegations of Venezuelan Cash to Influence Election Campaign
-------------- --------------

5.(C) Golding then claimed to have credible information from
a "virtually impeccable" source that Venezuelan President
Hugo Chavez was providing US$5-6 million in cash to the PNP
to influence the outcome of the upcoming national election.
Since he had first hinted of this publicly several days ago,
he understood there had been considerable "finger-pointing"
within the inner circles of the PNP, which realized an
informer must have passed this information to him. Golding
said he understood that the money would be provided in the
form of U.S. currency and would be routed from Venezuela via
Cuba to Jamaica using a diplomatic pouch. He was uncertain
which country's pouch would be used, or whether the money
already may have reached Jamaica. Use of the diplomatic
pouch would provide a degree of "insulation," which was
"worrying." He understood that Jamaican customs officials
were empowered to open a diplomatic pouch only if they had
very strong evidence that it was being misused for criminal
purposes.

6.(C) The Ambassador then noted that, as she had departed
for New York on January 8, at the Kingston airport she had
encountered Minister of Commerce and Industry Philip Paulwell
(a close associate of PSM and powerful PNP figure) and an
accompanying party departing for Havana. Paulwell had not
indicated the purpose of his visit to Cuba; it was not
inconceivable that he had been traveling there to bring back
the Venezuelan money.

7.(C) Golding then claimed the JLP sensed "a puff of wind in
our sails" and was confident of victory in the upcoming
elections; yet, he was worried that the PNP's use of
Venezuelan money could prove crucial in several key marginal
constituencies. Samuda said there was "no question" of
Venezuela having used money in an effort to influence the
political direction of countries in the region; Chavez
himself had confirmed it. He had interfered in recent
elections in Peru, Bolivia, and Guatemala. In St. Lucia, he
had funneled money to Kenny Anthony, who had used it to
telecast public meetings and rallies in their entirety;
however, the high literacy rate and comparative
sophistication of the electorate had prevented his victory.
Many rural and inner-city Jamaicans were not as
sophisticated, and thus were susceptible to manipulation.

8.(C) Golding then suggested that the U.S. could assist by
either helping to intercept the Venezuelan money or, if it
already had reached Jamaica, helping to expose it. He
acknowledged that this may not be easy, as he understood the
money was being sent in the form of "raw" U.S. currency with
no paper trail. He would "love to mute the effort by making
the information public," but unfortunately "much of the
information is anecdotal." In itself, the Venezuelan money
"would not be decisive;" however, it could "make it a
challenge in certain marginal seats." Samuda then said
Chavez had resented the JLP's principled opposition to
Jamaica's involvement in the Petrocaribe scheme, and wanted
to keep the JLP out of power by any means possible. The
Ambassador noted that the recent drop in oil prices was not
working in Chavez's favor; Samuda agreed, but said that he
still had plenty of flexibility.

9.(C) The Ambassador then noted that recent reports from
Spanish doctors had indicated that Fidel Castro was gravely
ill; major changes were afoot in Cuba, and by extension in
the region as a whole. Golding and Samuda agreed.

10.(C) Golding then said he was "going on the road next
week," and would "stay on the road until we are in Jamaica
House" (the Prime Minister,s Office). He then observed
that, while there had been "a lot of criticism of P.J.
Patterson" as Prime Minister, "at least P.J. knew where he
was going." In contrast, PSM and other current PNP leaders
lacked the "internal cohesiveness necessary for effective
governance; if she wins, she still will have no clear
pathway." Samuda then asked whether we had sensed the
confusion and anti-U.S. drift within the current Government;
the Ambassador acknowledged that the Embassy had "had some
disturbing meetings" with PNP officials, and noted that at
the U.N. in recent years, Jamaica had voted with the U.S.
only 12 percent of the time. Golding recalled that, when he
had visited the Department two years ago, he had discussed
the dramatic changes which had swept the world over the last
fifteen years. In some ways, the U.S. had lost influence
within the hemisphere. Jamaica now was "fighting with a
larger pool of nations" for USG attention; in this regard,
its recent voting record at the U.N. was "not helpful."

Suggested Visit to Washington
--------------

11.(C) Golding then asked if he might soon visit Washington
to "outline my own perspective on the direction of
Jamaica-U.S. relations." The U.S. was "too near, and too
much of our future is tied to the U.S., for indifference."
He then recalled an incident some years ago when reckless
allegations had been floated in the U.S. Congress accusing
former Prime Minister Edward Seaga of involvement in
narco-trafficking. He had placed a phone call to the White
House, which within twenty-four hours had come out with a
strong statement in support of Seaga in a press conference.
That was the kind of close relationship he wanted Jamaica to
maintain with the U.S. While the "old-style socialists" of
the PNP no longer pursued an economic agenda of centralized
control, they nevertheless remained "cold toward the U.S."
The Ambassador responded positively to the idea of a visit to
Washington, and said she would forward this overture to
Department. She agreed that the bilateral relationship
should be as close as it had been during the Seaga years, and
noted that the President had emphasized Jamaica's importance
to the U.S. She noted that 700 Jamaicans lived and worked in
Guantanamo; many eventually became U.S. citizens.

Request for USG Information on JLP Members re Legal Residence,
Any Suspected Criminal Activities
-------------- --------------

12.(C) Golding then said he needed the Embassy's
assistance with a problem. In the January 14 edition of the
"Sunday Gleaner," editorialist Mark Wignall had included an
item in his column entitled "Green Card politicians," in
which he decried the medical care available to the poor at
Kingston Public Hospital, and noted that many Jamaican
officials traveled to New York or Florida for medical
treatment. The article alleged that: "It now turns out that
many of our elected officials possess 'Green cards' and some
even enjoy US citizenship status. One part of the
declaration by politicians on entering representational
politics should be a revelation of their citizenship status."
Golding asked whether, if he were to provide the Embassy a
list of JLP members, we would be able to tell him "on a
confidential basis" whether they held U.S. legal residence.
He then said he also would greatly appreciate knowing if the
U.S. suspected any JLP members of involvement in
narco-trafficking or other criminal activity. He said he
would use this information carefully, but wanted to do
whatever he could to keep the JLP clean, noting that "I
don,t like surprises." He then said he had made a similar
inquiry with Emboffs about a year ago, and at that time had
been told that any request for USG information regarding
Jamaican citizens would have to be made
"government-to-government." Ambassador said the Embassy
would consider his requests and provide answers in due
course.

13.(C) Golding then inquired about the "level of
collaboration" between U.S. and Jamaican police. Ambassador
responded that cooperation was very close, both in exchanges
of information and intelligence and in training. Golding
noted that Police Commissioner Lucius Thomas, whenever asked
his priorities, always cited "getting rid of corrupt police"
as the highest, even ahead of equipment and training needs.
Golding said police officers should start their careers on
contracts of 3-5 years, so that, if they were suspected of
corruption, they could be dismissed, even if the evidence
against them was insufficient for a formal tribunal. Samuda
agreed that police corruption was a serious problem, and
cited an instance in which a lengthy ongoing investigation
suddenly had been transferred to another section and then
"botched" under highly suspicious circumstances. The
Ambassador observed that many of Jamaica's problems resembled
those of New York City some years ago. Samuda noted that New
York seemed to have done a better job of dealing with
homelessness than many other cities, and said he would be
interested in knowing how it had been accomplished.
Ambassador said she would request some information from her
friends in the New York City Government.
JOHNSON