DISPARATE ALEVI GROUPS AGREE TURKISH GOVERNMENT

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 ISTANBUL 000015

SIPDIS

SIPDIS

DEPARTMENT FOR EUR/SE

E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/07/2017
TAGS: PGOV PHUM TU
SUBJECT: DISPARATE ALEVI GROUPS AGREE TURKISH GOVERNMENT
HASN'T DELIVERED BUT SEE NO ATTRACTIVE ALTERNATIVE

REF: 05 ISTANBUL 1297

Classified By: Consul General Deborah K. Jones for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d)


1. (C) Summary: Alevi groups representing different
religious ideologies shared with us views about their beliefs
and disputes with the Government of Turkey. The Ehl-i-Beyt
and Cem Foundations continue to seek legal recognition of
their faith and proportional support from the Government, as
well as equitable representation in mandatory religion
courses. Their very different approaches to resolving these
issues are reflective of their beliefs, in general. Both
organizations are disappointed with the ruling Justice and
Development Party (AKP) but see no credible alternative.
Alevis, consequently, likely will have little influence as a
community during this year's parliamentary elections. End
summary.

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Alevi Fragmentation: Historical Context
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2. (SBU) Generally speaking, Alevis are a religious group
who like Shia Muslims are followers of the Prophet Mohammed's
son in-law Ali but in most other respects have significantly
different beliefs and practices. The Alevi Community in
Turkey is far from cohesive and there is widespread
disagreement both over what it means to be Alevi as well as
the size of the community. Alevi "Cem" (pronounced "Jem")
Foundation Chairman Izzetin Dogan claims there are over 25
million Alevis (approximately 35% of the Turkish population),
while the Government asserts there are closer to 7 million
(less than 10% of the population). As in most cases, the
truth likely lies somewhere in between and academics assess
the community to stand at approximately 19 million members
(27% of the population). Alevi religious identity differs as
well, with many considering themselves to be Alevi-only, some
Alevi-Muslim and others simply Muslim.


3. (SBU) Fermani Altun, President of the Alevi World
"Ehl-i-Beyt" Foundation, told us his organization is unique
because it does not recognize differences between sects in
Islam. In fact, the 10-year old Foundation includes a small
proportion of Sunnis among its 150 different associations in
80 countries, including the United States. Altun described
Ehl-i-Beyt's main goal as, "bring(ing) everyone together
under an umbrella of common dialogue" and stressed the
Foundation supports women's rights and rejects a strict
adherence to Sharia Law, as well as "the militant practice of
Islam."


4. (SBU) Namik Sofuoglu, Cem Foundation board member and
head of its legal committee, explained that Alevism was the
dominant interpretation of Islam in Anatolia under the
Ottoman Empire until the early 16th century. The shift in
favor of Sunni Islam occurred after the Ottomans conquered
Egypt and transferred the caliphate and thousands of Sunni
lecturers to Istanbul. According to Sofuoglu, Alevis have
been in dispute with the State ever since and for centuries
were forced to practice their faith in secrecy in small rural
villages. He explained that economic growth in the 1950s
encouraged many Alevis to move to the cities where they found
safety in numbers and began to express their religious views
more openly. Sofuoglu attributes today's divisions within
the Alevi community to the legacy of having to practice their
faith secretly in separate communities for centuries.

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Alevi Disputes: Political Context
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5. (SBU) Despite these divisions, Alevis agree on several
points of contention with the Government. Altun suggested
there was no real secularism in Turkey, arguing that the
State's involvement in religious affairs had led to
discrimination; either the State should not be involved at
all or it should address all religions and treat them
equally. Similarly, Sofuoglu lamented that the Directorate
of Religious Affairs' (Diyanet) original role as coordinator
of religious affairs had evolved into one of directing
religious services. He asserted that the Diyanet's public
services budget of over USD 1 billion went only for the
benefit of Sunnis. Despite representing a quarter of the
population, he argued, Alevis receive no government support
for building, maintaining or operating cem evis (places of
gathering/worship).


6. (SBU) Alevis also oppose the required religion courses in

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secondary schools. Altun, for example, stated that religious
education should be left to religious groups outside of the
school system as the current courses reflect a Sunni bias.
Press widely reported this week the Government's release of
the new religion course curriculum, which was expected to
include additional information about Alevism, and stated that
new textbooks do not make any reference to Alevism by name.
Altun, who had previous knowledge of the changes, called them
inadequate. Not only was the information "very basic" but in
some cases it was wrong or even insulting, he claimed. The
European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) is currently hearing a
case brought by Alevi parents who object to their son
attending Sunni-focused religion courses. Christians, Jews
and other non-Muslims are not required to attend these
courses. The vast majority of Turks are Sunni Muslim. Shia
Muslims and Alevis are required to attend. Though Altun and
Sofuoglu would rather see Turkey resolve its own problems,
they feel an ECHR decision in the Alevi child's favor could
establish an important precedent. At the same time, both
Altun and Sofuoglu were fervent in their support for Turkey's
EU accession. "The EU is consistent with Ehl-i-Beyt's
philosophy of brotherhood," said Altun. He believed the
associated reform process will help resolve Alevi issues.
Sofuoglu told us the Cem Foundation "unconditionally supports
EU accession."


7. (C) Alevis are also united in their disappointment with
the Islamist AKP government. Altun explained that, because
Ehl-i-Beyt is open to everyone, the Foundation has a dialogue
with AKP--indeed, at least one AKP card-carrying Foundation
member was present at our meeting--but that any allegiance to
the party was a result of good personal relations with party
members and not due to Alevi identity. The current
administration, said Altun, has "good talk but no action" and
has proven to be just as indifferent to its problems as its
predecessors.


8. (C) Meanwhile, Sofuoglu recounted that, prior to its 2002
election victory, the AKP had presented itself to Alevis as a
proponent of religious freedom; unfortunately, all contact
stopped after the election. Frustrated, the Cem Foundation
submitted two petitions to the Government in June 2005
(reftel). The first, delivered to the Prime Minister's
office, requested that Alevi worship services be treated as
public services and consequently granted the same type of
support that Sunnis enjoy, including a proportionate
distribution of Diyanet funding. The second petition,
directed to the Ministry of Education, requested that
religion courses in secondary schools "give enough space to
Alevi principles." Sofuoglu said the Government responded to
both petitions by claiming it was acting in accordance with
the Constitution. As a result, the Foundation filed cases
against both the Prime Ministry and the Ministry of
Education. Regarding the latter, Sofuoglu told us a hearing
is scheduled on February 21 at the 10th Administrative Court
in Ankara. No hearing has yet been scheduled regarding the
case against the Prime Ministry.


9. (C) Despite widespread Alevi disappointment with
perceived AKP inaction, our interlocutors suggest no other
party is positioned to capitalize and earn consensus support
from the community during this year's parliamentary
elections. Altun stated that the Alevis' traditional
political allegiance to leftist parties is no longer
predictable because of significant changes that occurred in
Turkish domestic politics during the 1990s. He explained
that the traditional divisions between left and right don't
exist anymore and that Alevis vote for whichever party is
most representative of their general interests. Sofuoglu
told us that for the first time a party -- the Motherland
Party (ANAP) -- is planning to include support for Alevis in
its political platform; he cautioned, however, that ANAP
sincerity would be gauged by the number of Alevi candidates
represented in its tickets.


10. (C) Comment: Though the Cem and Ehl-i-Beyt Foundations
share similar complaints against the Government, their
strategies for resolving related disputes are notably
different. Ehl-i-Beyt, with its big tent approach to
membership, takes an equally collaborative approach to
conflict resolution, stressing the importance of educated
dialogue. With that goal in mind, the Foundation is opening
an Istanbul-based Academy in April where students can learn
about Alevi history and faith. The Cem Foundation on the
other hand, feels it has no choice but to pursue resolutions
through the courts and is considering a class action law suit
against the government should the latter not comply with an
awaited ruling in the Alevis' favor in the suit against the
Ministry of Education. In the event the court rules against

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it, the Foundation is likely to take the case to the ECHR.


11. (C) Comment (continued): Speaking off the record,
Sofuoglu suggested the AKP is pressuring the courts to delay
a hearing on the Cem Foundation's case against the Prime
Ministry until after this year's parliamentary elections.
Sofuoglu assesses that the AKP believes a hearing, no matter
the outcome, will have negative ramifications on AKP's
election performance. Either the Government will lose the
case with its culpability affirmed publicly or it will win,
resulting in increased Alevi public pressure, i.e. referral
of the case to the ECHR or a lawsuit for damages. Sofuoglu
may be correct in stating that AKP has nothing to gain from a
decision but he is likely too optimistic in believing the
public at large is so sympathetic to Alevi issues that the
court decision could affect the outcome of the election. In
addition, despite this week's headlines regarding numerous
political parties' courting the Alevi vote, the fragmentation
within the community and the lack of genuine commitment by
any party to resolve associated issues means Alevis are not
likely to rally behind any one particular party ticket. End
Comment.
JONES