Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
07COLOMBO1103
2007-08-09 10:56:00
CONFIDENTIAL
Embassy Colombo
Cable title:
SRI LANKA: PRESIDENT APPEARS READY TO ACCEPT
VZCZCXRO5747 OO RUEHBI RUEHLMC DE RUEHLM #1103/01 2211056 ZNY CCCCC ZZH O 091056Z AUG 07 FM AMEMBASSY COLOMBO TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 6595 INFO RUEHKA/AMEMBASSY DHAKA PRIORITY 0339 RUEHIL/AMEMBASSY ISLAMABAD PRIORITY 7322 RUEHKT/AMEMBASSY KATHMANDU PRIORITY 5435 RUEHLO/AMEMBASSY LONDON PRIORITY 3958 RUEHNE/AMEMBASSY NEW DELHI PRIORITY 1255 RUEHNY/AMEMBASSY OSLO PRIORITY 4026 RUEHKO/AMEMBASSY TOKYO PRIORITY 3112 RUEHCG/AMCONSUL CHENNAI PRIORITY 7914 RUEHBI/AMCONSUL MUMBAI PRIORITY 5563 RUEHON/AMCONSUL TORONTO PRIORITY 0354 RUEHGV/USMISSION GENEVA PRIORITY 2250 RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI PRIORITY RHEFDIA/DIA WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY RHEHAAA/NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY RUEHBS/USEU BRUSSELS PRIORITY RUEHLMC/MILLENNIUM CHALLENGE CORPORATION PRIORITY
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 COLOMBO 001103
SIPDIS
SIPDIS
DEPARTMENT FOR SCA/INS
MCC FOR D NASSIRY AND E BURKE
E.O. 12958: DECL: 08/08/2017
TAGS: PGOV PREL PTER PHUM MOPS CE
SUBJECT: SRI LANKA: PRESIDENT APPEARS READY TO ACCEPT
PROVINCIAL-LEVEL DEVOLUTION
REF: A) COLOMBO 1029 B) COLOMBO 973 C) COLOMBO 789 D)
COLOMBO 747 E) COLOMBO 705 F) COLOMBO 661
G) COLOMBO 643 H) COLOMBO 629 (AND PREVIOUS)
Classified By: Charge d'Affaires James R. Moore,
for reasons 1.4(b,d).
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 COLOMBO 001103
SIPDIS
SIPDIS
DEPARTMENT FOR SCA/INS
MCC FOR D NASSIRY AND E BURKE
E.O. 12958: DECL: 08/08/2017
TAGS: PGOV PREL PTER PHUM MOPS CE
SUBJECT: SRI LANKA: PRESIDENT APPEARS READY TO ACCEPT
PROVINCIAL-LEVEL DEVOLUTION
REF: A) COLOMBO 1029 B) COLOMBO 973 C) COLOMBO 789 D)
COLOMBO 747 E) COLOMBO 705 F) COLOMBO 661
G) COLOMBO 643 H) COLOMBO 629 (AND PREVIOUS)
Classified By: Charge d'Affaires James R. Moore,
for reasons 1.4(b,d).
1. (C) SUMMARY: The chair of the committee to work out a
consensus devolution proposal reported that the President and
all parties represented in the current government had agreed
to support a compromise. This foresees the province, rather
than the district, as the unit of devolution. This
concession by the President appears to open the way for the
long-sought "Southern consensus" offer to Sri Lanka's Tamils
to resolve the ethnic conflict. The attitude of the main
opposition party, the UNP, will be critical to ensuring that
the process moves forward. It is unlikely that the
Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam will immediately agree to
resume talks on the basis of any Southern proposal, but this
development nevertheless holds the potential to change the
dynamic of the conflict for the better. End summary.
PRESIDENT AGREES TO BACK PROVINCE-LEVEL DEVOLUTION
-------------- --------------
2. (C) APRC chair Tissa Vitharana told Charge and A/DCM on
August 8 that the President and the parties represented in
the government had now accepted a devolution draft very
similar to the one he first put forward some months ago. At
an August 7 meeting at the President's residence and office,
the parties allied to the President's Sri Lankan Freedom
Party (SLFP) in the People's Alliance, then joined by other
parties represented in the government (mainly smaller Tamil
and Muslim parties),discussed the remaining contentious
issues ) the nature of the state, the unit of devolution,
and responsibility for land use. The only government party
not to take part was the nationalist, monk-based JHU,
Vitharana said.
3. (C) After much back-and-forth, the President agreed to
accept the province as the unit of devolution for the entire
country, not just the northeast. However, Vitharana reported
the President had been adamant on the "unitary" nature of the
Sri Lankan state. According to Vitharana, the government
parties also accepted a compromise which gives the central
government authority over land dedicated to national uses,
but cedes control to the provinces for "residual" land uses.
Finally, Vitharana said that he had been able to resolve an
impasse over government hiring. The SLFP wanted a purely
merit-based system, while minority Tamils and Muslims wanted
an ethnic balance in the civil service and university
positions. Vitharana suggested that all appointments be
merit-based, but that the government should actively seek to
maintain a rough ethnic balance in hiring.
THE WAY FORWARD
--------------
4. (C) Vitharana said he will spend the next week
incorporating the latest changes into his draft, then will
present the plan to the parliamentary All Parties'
Conference, which is chaired by President Rajapaksa, wearing
one of his many hats. Vitharana anticipated the APRC draft
would be presented to the APC "a few days" later than the
August 15 date the APRC has set for itself. If the APC
accepts the draft, it can immediately form the basis for an
offer to conduct a new round of negotiations with the LTTE,
Vitharana thought. In his view, a referendum would not be
needed, unless to bless the final product of negotiations
with the LTTE. Vitharana said he hoped the Co-Chairs would
endorse the proposal and seek to use it to bring the
government and the LTTE back to the table. He said he was
COLOMBO 00001103 002 OF 002
skeptical that the LTTE would agree to engage, however.
WILL UNP ENGAGE CONSTRUCTIVELY?
--------------
5. (C) Vitharana also expressed doubt about the future
position of the UNP in the consensus building process. He
observed that the UNP was playing an unconstructive,
confrontational role in national politics at the moment. The
UNP's reluctance to allow its APRC representative, K. Choksy,
to participate fully in APRC discussions had made his job
more difficult, he said. With UNP help, he believed he might
have been able to wring the final concession ) on the
"unitary state" ) out of the President. However, he thought
the final proposal would serve to play the ball back to the
UNP: "The government can say, "Here's our offer. With your
support, we can implement all of it. If you won't support
it, we will implement what we can without you." Vitharana
thought that since the "unitary state" and provincial
devolution were already enshrined in the Sri Lankan
Constitution, only a few parts of his proposal would require
amending the present Constitution, which would require a 2/3
majority, and therefore UNP support. Essentially, this
boiled down to eliminating the "concurrent list" of powers
shared by the center and the provinces, he said.
6. (C) COMMENT: Vitharana implied that the insistence on the
"unitary" characterization of the nature of the Sri Lankan
state is probably the bare minimum the President needs for
political cover in the absence of greater UNP participation
and responsibility. Vitharana could not confirm that the
SLFP central committee would convene to endorse the proposal,
but observed that it didn't matter much. All the key SLFP
decision-makers, he said, were present at the meetings with
the President on August 7. In our view, by obtaining the
endorsement of all the parties in the government (except for
the JHU),including that of the several minority parties
represented, the President has effectively met the UNP's
demand that the government present its own proposal. The UNP
leadership, including Ranil Wickemesinghe, has promised,
albeit reluctantly, to support the devolution proposal that
emerges from the APRC provided it is "reasonable." While we
have not yet seen the final proposal (indeed, it has yet to
emerge from Vitharana's pen),we will endeavor to hold the
UNP to this commitment by urging it to set aside partisan
considerations in the interest of moving forward on the
political track to resolve Sri Lanka's ethnic conflict. Few
in Colombo, however, believe that the LTTE will immediately
agree to re-engage based on any GSL devolution proposal.
Still, uniting the moderate Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslim
parties behind a devolution concept, if this is successful,
will go a long way to redefining the dynamic behind the
conflict.
MOORE
SIPDIS
SIPDIS
DEPARTMENT FOR SCA/INS
MCC FOR D NASSIRY AND E BURKE
E.O. 12958: DECL: 08/08/2017
TAGS: PGOV PREL PTER PHUM MOPS CE
SUBJECT: SRI LANKA: PRESIDENT APPEARS READY TO ACCEPT
PROVINCIAL-LEVEL DEVOLUTION
REF: A) COLOMBO 1029 B) COLOMBO 973 C) COLOMBO 789 D)
COLOMBO 747 E) COLOMBO 705 F) COLOMBO 661
G) COLOMBO 643 H) COLOMBO 629 (AND PREVIOUS)
Classified By: Charge d'Affaires James R. Moore,
for reasons 1.4(b,d).
1. (C) SUMMARY: The chair of the committee to work out a
consensus devolution proposal reported that the President and
all parties represented in the current government had agreed
to support a compromise. This foresees the province, rather
than the district, as the unit of devolution. This
concession by the President appears to open the way for the
long-sought "Southern consensus" offer to Sri Lanka's Tamils
to resolve the ethnic conflict. The attitude of the main
opposition party, the UNP, will be critical to ensuring that
the process moves forward. It is unlikely that the
Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam will immediately agree to
resume talks on the basis of any Southern proposal, but this
development nevertheless holds the potential to change the
dynamic of the conflict for the better. End summary.
PRESIDENT AGREES TO BACK PROVINCE-LEVEL DEVOLUTION
-------------- --------------
2. (C) APRC chair Tissa Vitharana told Charge and A/DCM on
August 8 that the President and the parties represented in
the government had now accepted a devolution draft very
similar to the one he first put forward some months ago. At
an August 7 meeting at the President's residence and office,
the parties allied to the President's Sri Lankan Freedom
Party (SLFP) in the People's Alliance, then joined by other
parties represented in the government (mainly smaller Tamil
and Muslim parties),discussed the remaining contentious
issues ) the nature of the state, the unit of devolution,
and responsibility for land use. The only government party
not to take part was the nationalist, monk-based JHU,
Vitharana said.
3. (C) After much back-and-forth, the President agreed to
accept the province as the unit of devolution for the entire
country, not just the northeast. However, Vitharana reported
the President had been adamant on the "unitary" nature of the
Sri Lankan state. According to Vitharana, the government
parties also accepted a compromise which gives the central
government authority over land dedicated to national uses,
but cedes control to the provinces for "residual" land uses.
Finally, Vitharana said that he had been able to resolve an
impasse over government hiring. The SLFP wanted a purely
merit-based system, while minority Tamils and Muslims wanted
an ethnic balance in the civil service and university
positions. Vitharana suggested that all appointments be
merit-based, but that the government should actively seek to
maintain a rough ethnic balance in hiring.
THE WAY FORWARD
--------------
4. (C) Vitharana said he will spend the next week
incorporating the latest changes into his draft, then will
present the plan to the parliamentary All Parties'
Conference, which is chaired by President Rajapaksa, wearing
one of his many hats. Vitharana anticipated the APRC draft
would be presented to the APC "a few days" later than the
August 15 date the APRC has set for itself. If the APC
accepts the draft, it can immediately form the basis for an
offer to conduct a new round of negotiations with the LTTE,
Vitharana thought. In his view, a referendum would not be
needed, unless to bless the final product of negotiations
with the LTTE. Vitharana said he hoped the Co-Chairs would
endorse the proposal and seek to use it to bring the
government and the LTTE back to the table. He said he was
COLOMBO 00001103 002 OF 002
skeptical that the LTTE would agree to engage, however.
WILL UNP ENGAGE CONSTRUCTIVELY?
--------------
5. (C) Vitharana also expressed doubt about the future
position of the UNP in the consensus building process. He
observed that the UNP was playing an unconstructive,
confrontational role in national politics at the moment. The
UNP's reluctance to allow its APRC representative, K. Choksy,
to participate fully in APRC discussions had made his job
more difficult, he said. With UNP help, he believed he might
have been able to wring the final concession ) on the
"unitary state" ) out of the President. However, he thought
the final proposal would serve to play the ball back to the
UNP: "The government can say, "Here's our offer. With your
support, we can implement all of it. If you won't support
it, we will implement what we can without you." Vitharana
thought that since the "unitary state" and provincial
devolution were already enshrined in the Sri Lankan
Constitution, only a few parts of his proposal would require
amending the present Constitution, which would require a 2/3
majority, and therefore UNP support. Essentially, this
boiled down to eliminating the "concurrent list" of powers
shared by the center and the provinces, he said.
6. (C) COMMENT: Vitharana implied that the insistence on the
"unitary" characterization of the nature of the Sri Lankan
state is probably the bare minimum the President needs for
political cover in the absence of greater UNP participation
and responsibility. Vitharana could not confirm that the
SLFP central committee would convene to endorse the proposal,
but observed that it didn't matter much. All the key SLFP
decision-makers, he said, were present at the meetings with
the President on August 7. In our view, by obtaining the
endorsement of all the parties in the government (except for
the JHU),including that of the several minority parties
represented, the President has effectively met the UNP's
demand that the government present its own proposal. The UNP
leadership, including Ranil Wickemesinghe, has promised,
albeit reluctantly, to support the devolution proposal that
emerges from the APRC provided it is "reasonable." While we
have not yet seen the final proposal (indeed, it has yet to
emerge from Vitharana's pen),we will endeavor to hold the
UNP to this commitment by urging it to set aside partisan
considerations in the interest of moving forward on the
political track to resolve Sri Lanka's ethnic conflict. Few
in Colombo, however, believe that the LTTE will immediately
agree to re-engage based on any GSL devolution proposal.
Still, uniting the moderate Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslim
parties behind a devolution concept, if this is successful,
will go a long way to redefining the dynamic behind the
conflict.
MOORE