Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
07BRUSSELS2211
2007-07-06 15:53:00
UNCLASSIFIED
Embassy Brussels
Cable title:  

As Belgian Cabinet Formation Hits Snag, Former

Tags:  PGOV PINR BE 
pdf how-to read a cable
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DE RUEHBS #2211/01 1871553
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
R 061553Z JUL 07
FM AMEMBASSY BRUSSELS
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 5853
INFO RUEHRL/AMEMBASSY BERLIN 1543
RUEHLO/AMEMBASSY LONDON 1590
RUEHLE/AMEMBASSY LUXEMBOURG 8332
RUEHFR/AMEMBASSY PARIS 1936
RUEHTC/AMEMBASSY THE HAGUE 8480
RUEHNO/USMISSION USNATO 8004
UNCLAS BRUSSELS 002211 

SIPDIS

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PGOV PINR BE
SUBJECT: As Belgian Cabinet Formation Hits Snag, Former
PM Dehaene, "Mr. Fix-it," Called in to Clean up the
Mess

Here he comes again
-------------------

UNCLAS BRUSSELS 002211

SIPDIS

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PGOV PINR BE
SUBJECT: As Belgian Cabinet Formation Hits Snag, Former
PM Dehaene, "Mr. Fix-it," Called in to Clean up the
Mess

Here he comes again
--------------


1. On July 5, Belgian King Albert II tasked former
Prime Minister Jean-Luc Dehaene, a Flemish Christian
Democrat (CD&V),with a delicate mission ? finding a
way to form a government that can implement
constitutional reform in a way that is acceptable to
the Flemish voters who want change and the francophones
who do not. Dehaene's duties also include helping to
create the conditions in which Flemish and francophone
Christian Democrats and Liberals can together agree to
form a government. Assuming Dehaene can manage to
achieve these tasks, the hard work of fashioning a
coalition accord could probably begin by the end of
July/early August under the leadership of Flemish
Christian Democratic leader Yves Leterme.

A very cautious informateur
--------------


2. Dehaene is the second man King Albert has asked to
create the conditions for launching coalition talks.
Immediately after the June 10 general elections, the
King assigned the job of "informateur" to Didier
Reynders, the current Finance Minister and leader of
the Francophone Liberals (MR). Reynders spent three
weeks meeting with a host of interlocutors before
producing a voluminous inventory of the state of
Belgium. He gave this Walloon-flavored Domesday Book
to the King on July 4, all the while making clear that
he wanted to see an "orange-blue" coalition of
Christian Democrats and Liberals that concentrated on
pocketbook issues, not the institutional matters of
concern to a large minority of Flemish voters.

Too early for Leterme
--------------


3. While Reynders was conducting his fact-finding
mission, it became clear to most Belgian political
observers that it was too early to task Leterme, the
CD&V leader whose party has the most seats in the lower
hous of parliament, with the burden of forming a
abinet. While all political party leaders, winers
and losers of election, agreed that was eterme's task
and prerogative to form a goverment, he required
either a consensus or, atthis stage at least, the
possibility of a consensus before he could begin to
build a coalition. If he were to try to do so and
fail, a political crisis would inevitably have ensued.
Such a crisis would have derived from the harsh

mathematical realities of the election. A government
without Christian Democratic participation would be too
weak even to contemplate constitutional reform, a job
requiring a two-thirds majority in the 150 member lower
house of parliament.

A "bully" who can fix things
--------------


4. The present delicate situation thus seemed to many
Belgian observers as being tailor made for Jean-Luc
Dehaene's peculiar political gifts. Acting in various
capacities, he has been the key negotiator in the
constitutional processes responsible for transforming
Belgium from a unitary into a federal state. In sharp
contrast to Reynders, Dehaene, who likes to cultivate a
man of the people image, prefers to operate informally
and out of sight of the cameras. In the past he has
had such a formidable network of colleagues and
accomplices that he could produce deals that, whatever
their faults in terms of "political beauty" (his
phrase),had the advantage of being workable.
(Comment: The European Constitutional treaty of 2002
is the obvious exception to this general observation.
Dehaene served as vice-chairman of the "European
Convention" that drafted the now defunct agreement.
End Comment)


Win over Francophone reticence
--------------


5. Comment: Dehaene's biggest job is winning support


for constitutional reform from the francophone leaders,
many of whom served in his government during the years
of his premiership between 1993 and 1999. Francophone
leaders like Reynders and Joelle Milquet, president of
the Francophone Christian Democratic CDH, fear being
dragged into endless institutional discussions and
complicated deals that will not work and which expose
them to harsh opposition from within the French-
speaking community. They hope Dehaene can demonstrate
to his own party rank-and-file that institutional
reform is not in the offing without causing a between
CD&V and N-VA, its small Flemish nationalist ally. N-
VA party leader Bart De Wever is adamant that his party
will not join a government that has no institutional
reform platform. And without the N-VA, Liberals and
Christian Democrats would barely have enough votes in
Parliament to keep a government going. Although no one
seems to be in favor of it, no doubt Dehaene will also
explore the possibility of forming a grand coalition of
the two Christian Democratic, two Socialist and two
Liberals parties. Such a large coalition would of
course have the two-thirds in Parliament to amend the
Constitution.


6. Dehaene told the press that he will not be pinned
down on a timetable, adding that he wished to have a
formateur (Leterme) in place by Belgium?s national day,
July 21. That leaves a mere two weeks to find a road
out of Belgium?s political quagmire. Of course,
Dehaene's mission is not limited to institutional
matters; he will also have to find points of agreement
on budgetary and social matters. Unpopular austerity
measures appear to be looming, and agreeing on these
measures may prove even more difficult than dealing
with the institutional agenda. End Comment
FOX