Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
07BANJUL589
2007-11-29 15:03:00
UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
Embassy Banjul
Cable title:  

ETHNICITY IN THE GAMBIA: THE RISE OF THE JOLAS

Tags:  ECON PGOV PHUM PINR SOCI GA 
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RR RUEHMA RUEHPA
DE RUEHJL #0589/01 3331503
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
R 291503Z NOV 07
FM AMEMBASSY BANJUL
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 7909
INFO RUEHLMC/MILLENNIUM CHALLENGE CORP
RUEHZK/ECOWAS COLLECTIVE
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 BANJUL 000589 

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SENSITIVE
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E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: ECON PGOV PHUM PINR SOCI GA
SUBJECT: ETHNICITY IN THE GAMBIA: THE RISE OF THE JOLAS

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SUMMARY
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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 BANJUL 000589

SIPDIS

SENSITIVE
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E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: ECON PGOV PHUM PINR SOCI GA
SUBJECT: ETHNICITY IN THE GAMBIA: THE RISE OF THE JOLAS

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SUMMARY
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1. (SBU) The Gambia is lauded by its government, people, and
visitors for its ethnic diversity and the apparent harmony among its
many tribes. The lack of civil conflict along ethnic lines in an
often-troubled region is prized by Gambians. Freedom from tribalism
is also touted at the political level as officials from different
backgrounds work together, publicly eschewing ethnic ties under the
banner of unified Gambian identity. However, the years of the
Jammeh regime have witnessed the decline in political power of the
country's largest tribe, the Mandinkas, who have historically held
the majority of high-level positions in the GOTG and other key
institutions, while President Jammeh's tribe, the Jolas, have gained
both political and economic clout. The rise in the Jolas'
socioeconomic status may indicate a significant shift in power, as
Mandinkas are no longer represented proportionately in top
government, security, and media posts. This has raised concern for
the future among some observers of the transition. END SUMMARY

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ETHNIC BREAKDOWN
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2. (U) According to 2003 census data, the Mandinka tribe is the
largest ethnic group in The Gambia, approximately 42 percent of the
population of approximately 1.5 million. The Fula and Wolof tribes
constitute 18 and 16 percent respectively, followed by the Jola (10
percent),Serahuli (nine percent),and smaller tribes such as the
Sererr, Manjago, and Aku. The Gambia is also home to non-African
and non-Gambian residents, including an economically prominent
Lebanese minority, estimated to be at least 3,500, many of whom have
been in The Gambia and West Africa for generations. Among resident
Africa expatriates, Senegalese are the largest group, numbering
several hundred thousand, and constitute much of the skilled labor
in the country. The Senegalese are largely either Wolof or Jola,
but also represent other tribes. Other notable African expatriates
with economic clout include, inter alia, Mauritanians, Nigerians,

Guineans, Sierra Leoneans, and Liberians, each community numbering
5,000 or more. Frequent intermarriage among ethnic and national
groups tends to blur such distinctions.


3. (U) While members of all ethnic groups are found in all walks
of life, particularly farming, certain occupations do tend to be
dominated by particular tribes. Excluding Lebanese domination of
the business community here, Fulas generally control the retail
trade sector, while Wolofs and Serahulis own the majority of large
businesses. Wolofs and Mandinkas make up the bulk of the civil
service, while Jolas constitute the majority of unskilled laborers
(e.g. household help) and dominate the fishing industry. All of the
ethnic groups are represented in the security forces, but Jolas and
Manjagos are becoming more dominant within these services.

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SHIFTS IN POWER
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4. (SBU) The GOTG traditionally has been dominated by Mandinkas,
particularly during the Jawara regime, which began when The Gambia
gained independence in 1965 and ended in 1994. Jawara, a Mandinka,
was careful in composing his cabinet and ensuring both ethnic groups
and geographic regions were fairly represented, according to a
source who worked in his administration. Since Jammeh came to power
in 1994, Mandinkas gradually have been edged out of key roles in the
government and security forces, and are no longer represented
proportionally in the higher echelons of the GOTG. There are now
very few Mandinkas in key central government roles and institutions.
Of the 18 Cabinet positions only three are currently filled by
Mandinkas. Six positions are filled by Jolas (including the
president),six by Wolofs, and one each by a Fula, Creole, and
mixed-ethnicity member. However, National Assembly Members
(parliamentarians) representing the 48 constituencies throughout the
country tend to come from the majority ethnic group in each voting
district. Of the five regions in The Gambia, the Western Region is
predominantly Mandinka and Jola; the Lower River Region is
predominantly Mandinka; the Central River Region is a mixture of
Wolof, Fula, and Mandinka tribes in relatively equal proportions;
the Upper River Region is made up of Mandinka, Fula, and Serahuli
tribes; and the North Bank Region is largely Mandinka.

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JOLAS: GROWING IN STATUS AND NUMBER
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5. (U) The Jola tribe has traditionally been perceived as
less-educated with lower social status than other groups. As a
Jola, President Jammeh has on several occasions publicly made
reference to the need for Jolas to educate themselves. Since his
1994 takeover, the Jolas have, on the whole, risen in both social
and economic status. A series of reports released in 2006 based on

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the Integrated Household Survey (IHS),conducted by the Gambian
Bureau of Statistics from 2003 to 2004, reveal that since Jammeh's
takeover, Jolas have taken the lead among ethnic groups in terms of
both per capita annual total consumption and living standards (a
World Bank measurement),and are among the groups least likely to
suffer from poverty. According to the data, the mean per capita
annual consumption for Jolas was nearly 14,000 dalasi in 2003 (USD
667 at the current exchange rate),twice that of Mandinkas and Fulas
and significantly higher than the Wolof group and those classified
as "others." The mean per capita living standard for Jolas was
estimated at almost 13,000 dalasi (USD 619),an amount that is
slightly higher than that of the Serahuli and Sererr groups and is
significantly higher than that of the Fula, Mandinka, Wolof, and
"other" groups. The study also revealed that Jolas had the lowest
incidence of poverty with an estimated rate of 37 percent, compared
to 67 percent for Mandinkas, 66 percent for Fulas, 59 percent for
"others," and 58 percent for the Wolof, based on the upper poverty
line. It is possible, of course, that a small group of wealthy
Jolas (the President's inner circle) cause the survey indicators to
rise, as the IHS analysts themselves admit in their report. This
signifies a dramatic shift in socioeconomic status, complemented by
the growing number of Jolas filling high-ranking positions in the
GOTG and security forces

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POPULATION BOOM
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6. (SBU) In a meeting with Pol/Econoff, Embassy contacts who work
for a regional peace-building NGO recalled that a few years ago,
Jolas made up little more than five percent of the population, half
of the current estimate. The contacts suggested the source of the
increase is immigration from the Casamance, the southern Senegalese
region where Jolas are the majority tribe. It borders the Fonis, a
group of five Gambian districts that is traditionally home to the
Jolas. This theory was echoed by other knowledgeable sources, and
seems to be consistent with data from a report issued by the GOTG's
Central Statistics Department based on the 2003 census. This report
shows higher than average growth from 1993 to 2003 in four of the
five Foni districts: 34 percent in Foni Brefet, 40 percent in Foni
Bintang Karanai, 58 percent in Foni Kansala, and 32 percent in Foni
Bondali, as opposed to 31 percent nationwide. This level of growth
was matched only by the more urban divisions in the west of the
country.

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IDENTITY ISSUES
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7. (SBU) Asked whether the Jolas' rise in prosperity and
prominence was affecting ethnic harmony throughout The Gambia, NGO
contacts felt that for now, the rise of the Jolas was important only
to the political elite, and not yet at the grassroots level. Most
Jolas, they said, have not come to terms with their tribe's
increased status and may continue to grapple with an inferiority
complex given their historically low social rank. Some Jolas, due
to their traditional roots in the Casamance border area, may also
feel torn between Senegalese and Gambian identities, the sources
suggested.

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A CAUSE FOR CONCERN?
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8. (SBU) NGO contactsfrom the regional peace-building
organization noed that Jammeh has on occa sion made anti-Mandinka
comments, citing in particular a 2006 television ppearance in which
he explained, using maps of th sub-region, how the Mandinkas were
not historically a true tribe of The Gambia since they came from
elsewhere in West Africa. The contacts blamed him for "sowing the
seeds of discord," and also mentioned a tendency for Jammeh to
demonize the Mandinkas, who also make up a significant number of
supporters of the opposition United Democratic Party (UDP). They
noted that when officials are fired from the higher levels of the
government, security forces, and parastatals, they are often
replaces by Jolas, and alleged that the latest batch of Gambian army
recruits were mostly Jolas --some possibly from Senegal.


9. (SBU) Sources noted that for now, mainly lighthearted
stereotypes persist among the various ethnic tribes at the
grassroots level, but Jammeh's apparent political strategy of
appointing Jolas and other non-Mandinkas to prominent roles could
"evolve" or "explode," given time. Contacts pointed out that most
of the suspects in the March 2006 aborted coup plot and the majority
of people held in prolonged detention are Mandinkas, while few, if
any, are Jolas. One source noted that Jammeh does not bear all of
the blame for ethnic posturing, as the UDP allegedly brought up the
"Mandinka issue" during the September 2006 and January 2007
presidential and legislative elections, and has been accused by the
ruling party of being a Mandinka party. There is likely lingering
resentment by Mandinkas over the 1994 coup. However, a prominent

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UDP official pointed out that if people actually voted on ethnic
lines and the UDP were truly a Mandinka party, the UDP would have
won both elections. He claimed the President's Alliance for
Patriotic Reorientation and Construction (APRC) party accuses the
UDP of tribalism, while appointing Jola APRC stalwarts from the
Fonis, including Jammeh's hometown of Kanilai, and the urban Western
Division, to key security and cabinet positions. Another source
reiterated this sentiment, saying that other regions are no longer
proportionately represented in the cabinet.


10. (SBU) These shifts in power have not gone unnoticed. Though
the ruling APRC has demonstrated broad support among all tribes in
recent elections, our sense is that this support is shallow and may
conceal discontent among many groups, though few dare voice it. But
the opposition parties are weak and divided, and do not currently
represent any electoral threat to Jammeh's continued rule. If there
were to be change, however, some contacts hint that the future for
Jolas in a post-Jammeh era would be precarious, particularly if the
next leader is a Mandinka.

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COMMENT
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11. (SBU) Gambians of all tribes are rightfully proud of their
harmonious coexistence, and the tradition of intermarriage between
ethnic as well as religious groups reinforces that tradition. In
this peace-loving Islamic society, little ethnic tension is apparent
on the surface. However, if Jammeh continues to promote the rise of
Jola influence at the expense of other ethnic groups, one of The
Gambia's greatest advantages may be threatened. END COMMENT
BACHMAN