DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 11/02/06

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SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 11/02/06


INDEX:

(1) More US fleet visits to Hokkaido: Donovan

(2) Okinawa gubernatorial election: Both camps contradictory over
Futenma base

(3) 2006 Okinawa gubernatorial race: Anger and bewilderment (Part
1): "V-shaped pair of runways a cheap trick"

(4) Agreement to resume 6-party talks: Behind-the-scenes
negotiations held for 13 days

(5) Seiron (Opinion) column by Jun Sakurada: Follow-up on my last
argument on flaws in Japan's nuclear-arms debate; How to secure the
quality of Japan-US security arrangements?

(6) Cabinet Office admits having asked participants to ask questions
from position of supporting bill amending education law

(7) Battle intensifying between ruling, opposition camps over bill
amending Basic Education Law

(8) Action program on preventing global warming worked out by Japan,
US, Australia and other three APP members

ARTICLES:

(1) More US fleet visits to Hokkaido: Donovan

HOKKAIDO SHIMBUN (Page 3) (Full)
November 2, 2006

US Embassy Minister Donovan responded to the Hokkaido Shimbun's
interview at the US Consulate General in Sapporo. In connection with
the rising tension over the North Korean situation, Donovan
clarified his outlook to the following effect: "US Navy ships
capable of intercepting ballistic missiles will call more often at
Muroran, Otaru, and other ports in Hokkaido."

Referring to US fleet visits to Hokkaido, Donovan explained: "That
is because of ballistic missile defense (MD). They function within
the framework of security." The United States has so far recounted
that the purpose of US naval vessels' port calls in Hokkaido is to
promote friendship and receive supplies. However, Donovan, as a US
government official, has clarified that their port calls in Hokkaido
are part of the United States' military strategy toward North
Korea.

In addition, Donovan said the US Air Force would relocate its F-15
fighter jets' training to the Air Self-Defense Force's Chitose base
next year or afterward. He added, "We'd like to convey necessary
information in a transparent way." With this, he indicated that the
US government would endeavor to ease the anxieties of local
residents.

In the meantime, importers of farm products like Japan and exporters
like the United States have been at odds in the Doha round of World
Trade Organization (WTO) multilateral trade negotiations over the
issue of lowering tariffs on farm products. On this issue, Donovan
said there would be no growth for agriculture protected by high
tariffs. "Hokkaido farmers should be competitive enough to survive
the international market, and they can." With this, he underscored

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the US position.

(2) Okinawa gubernatorial election: Both camps contradictory over
Futenma base

MAINICHI (Page 2) (Full)
November 1, 2006

Okinawa Prefecture will announce its gubernatorial election
tomorrow. The election is expected to become a de facto one-on-on
duel between Hirokazu Nakaima, 67, recommended by the ruling
coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and the New Komeito, and
Keiko Itokazu, 59, recommended by the opposition camp. It can be
positioned as Round 3 for the LDP led by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe
and the leading opposition Democratic Party of Japan (Minshuto)
headed by Ichiro Ozawa, following the recent two by-elections for
the House of Representatives and Fukushima Prefecture's
gubernatorial election. Meanwhile, it is a battle between the
government and Okinawa in connection with the issue of realigning
the US military presence in Japan.

On Oct. 29, an open debate was held in the city of Naha with the
participation of those expected to run in the upcoming gubernatorial
election. In the forum, the two prospective candidates, Nakaima and
Itokazu, developed their respective opinions over the issue of
relocating the US Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station as the biggest
point of contention in their election campaigns. In May, Tokyo and
Washington reached a final agreement on a plan to lay down a
V-shaped pair of airstrips in a coastal area of Camp Schwab.

Nakaima: "I can't accept the present V-shaped airstrips plan. I will
participate in the consultative council, and I want to resolve the
problem without delay."

Itokazu: "I will attend the consultative council's meetings to
convey Okinawa Prefecture's public opinion against Futenma
relocation within Okinawa Prefecture."

Nakaima and Itokazu stressed their respective stances toward the
government's consultative body with Okinawa's prefectural and
municipal governments over the relocation of Futenma airfield, and
they got a big hand.

Nakaima and Itokazu are both alike opposed to the idea of relocating
Futenma airfield to Camp Schwab's coastal area. However, Itokazu is
poised to carry through her claim for the airfield's overseas
relocation. Meanwhile, Nakaima, in his Oct. 30 press remarks,
touched for the first time on the airfield's relocation within the
island prefecture, saying: "Its relocation somewhere outside this
prefecture is the best possible option. However, it's also
conceivable to accept its relocation elsewhere within this
prefecture."

Nakaima announced his candidacy on Sept. 5 and he did not clarify
whether he would accept the Futenma relocation within Okinawa
Prefecture. That is because of his position as a successor to
Governor Keiichi Inamine, who has been insisting on relocating the
airfield elsewhere outside Japan. In January this year, however,
Nakaima criticized Inamine for his rejection of the coastal
relocation plan, saying, "I wonder if it's appropriate to make
trouble with the government." In his heart of hearts, Nakaima was in
favor of relocating Futenma airfield within the island prefecture.
In the open debate, Itokazu pointed to this fact. Nakaima rebutted,

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"I can't accept the relocation plan as is, and I'm protesting the
government's decision in disregard of Okinawa." This was all he
could say.

Itokazu also has a weak point. In her Oct. 13 policy remarks,
Itokazu said she would not accept the Japan-US security alliance.
Five days after that, however, she about-faced to accept the
bilateral security setup. It was out of consideration for the DPJ
and a conservative political group named "Sozo" (or the "Political
group of OKINAWA revolution" as its official English name),with
which she is united against the LDP and the New Komeito. In the
debate, Itokazu recounted: "I'm going to run in the election against
Futenma relocation within Okinawa Prefecture. Security is not the
point of contention." However, an embarrassed stir ran through the
audience.

LDP avoids going too far for fear of backlash, guarded against
Nakaima

"It's been a decade since the government decided to return Futenma
airfield. He has to be realistic. That's good." With this, Defense
Agency Director General Fumio Kyuma, meeting the press yesterday,
welcomed Nakaima's remarks accepting Futenma airfield's relocation
within Okinawa Prefecture. There was an optimistic view, saying: "If
Nakaima becomes governor, the (Camp Schwab) coastal relocation
plan-which is a categorical imperative-will make headway."

However, the government and ruling coalition avoid going too far
into the election battle, with LDP Secretary General Hidenao
Nakagawa having proclaimed nonintervention in the race. That is
because the LDP thinks that its coming out to back Nakaima in the
race would bring about stronger backlashes from Okinawa's local
communities and would result in encouraging Itokazu.

The government plans to lay down a Futenma alternative in a coastal
area of Camp Schwab, with its both ends stretching out into the sea.
The government will therefore have to ask for the governor's
approval under the Public Water Body Reclamation Law before starting
construction work, and the governor will greatly affect the future
course of the coastal relocation plan. Some in the government are
insisting on creating a special measures law in order to transfer
the governor's authority to the state if Itokazu wins the race.

On the other hand, the government remains guarded against Nakaima.
In particular, the Defense Agency is strongly distrustful of Okinawa
since Governor Inamine has not shown any positive stance about
Futenma relocation in spite of his conservative position. One senior
official of the agency even says, "It would be better to see Itokazu
win and establish a special measures law to forcibly push for the
plan."

The government will have to start construction work without delay
after the gubernatorial election in order to relocate Futenma
airfield by 2014 as agreed with the United States. The government is
only growing impatient.

(3) 2006 Okinawa gubernatorial race: Anger and bewilderment (Part
1): "V-shaped pair of runways a cheap trick"

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 27) (Abridged slightly)
November 2, 2006

"Don't fly over our city! US helos out now!" This message can be

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found on the roof of the Ginowan City Office adjacent to Marine
Corps Air Station (MCAS) Futenma in Okinawa Prefecture. The message
has been there since December 2, 2005, the 10th anniversary of the
SACO (Special Action Committee on Okinawa) final agreement. Under
the agreement, the United States was supposed to return MCAS Futenma
to Japan in five to seven years' time.

In May this year, Tokyo and Washington produced a final US force
realignment report indicating that the relocation site for MCAS
Futenma would be shifted from waters off the Henoko district in Nago
to the coastline of Camp Schwab. The report called for the
construction of a V-shaped pair of runways at the new site. Then
Defense Agency Director-General Fukushiro Nukaga explained to Nago
Mayor Yoshikazu Shimabukuro: "Two runways will be built for takeoffs
and landings so that US military aircraft will not fly over
residential areas." Shimabukuro bought the explanation and endorsed
the relocation plan.

Shigeo Yamauchi, head of Ginowan's Military Base Liaison Section,
said: "The explanation was not true. Touch-and-go flight training
has been conducted constantly at MCAS Futenma. It's not possible to
use separate runways for takeoffs and landings."

US aircraft make 150 to 300 takeoffs and landings daily in training
at the airfield. They include Futenma-based helicopters and KC130
aerial refueling tanker aircraft and Kadena-based P3C patrol
planes.

The runways' two separate purposes are not specified in any
documents. The force realignment final report simply stipulates the
size of the runways. A chart illustrating a visual flight path of
the runway facing the sea, possible prepared for landing and takeoff
training, is affixed to the agreements that were exchanged between
the Defense Agency and Nago City and Ginoza Village. The chart is
devoid of any explanation.

Nago assemblyman Zenko Nakamura noted, "Although I asked about
landing and takeoff training in an assembly session, the answer was
vague." Tomihiroshi Ashi, representative of a local anti-heliport
group, took this view: "In order to accept the Futenma relocation
plan, the Nago mayor pretended to be taken in by the government."

Is it true that once the V-shaped pair of runways is constructed, US
military aircraft will not fly over residential areas? From
Ginowan's experience, Yamauchi is skeptical.

In order to reduce noise from MCAS Futenma, the Japan-US Joint
Committee decided in March 1996 to prohibit flights between 10:00
p.m. and 6:00 a.m. But the US military did not follow the rule, and
nearby residents kept complaining about noise.

Also in 1996, the MCAS Futenma commander sought the city's approval
of a plan to expand the flight path circling the east side of the
runway. The city rejected the request, but the US military went
ahead and implemented the plan, which is still in place today.

"Base representatives always say, 'We cannot answer operational
questions.' They don't abide by a formal pact, and we don't expect
such people to keep a verbal promise," Yamauchi noted.

Hirokazu Nakaima, 67, a former Chairman of the Okinawa Chamber of
Commerce and Industry, is planning to run in the upcoming Okinawa
gubernatorial race on the ticket of the ruling bloc. He is

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supportive of a plan to relocate MCAS Futenma to a site within the
prefecture, while opposing the V-shaped plan. The opposition camp is
set to field Upper House lawmaker Keiko Itokazu, 59, who is eager to
move the base out of the prefecture.

In February this year, Ginowan released an MCAS Futenma
redevelopment plan featuring efforts to nurture new industries and
an environment-friendly community. There is no knowing when that
will come true, however.

(4) Agreement to resume 6-party talks: Behind-the-scenes
negotiations held for 13 days

NIHON KEIZAI (Page 8) (Full)
November 2, 2006

WASHINGTON-The United States, China, and North Korea engaged in a
hard-played tug of war until Pyongyang finally agreed to rejoin the
six-party talks on the North Korean nuclear issue. The situation
underwent a sudden change on Oct. 19 when Chinese State Councilor
Tang Jiaxuan visited North Korea and met with Kim Jong Il. The three
countries went through diplomatic negotiations behind the scenes for
13 days.

"The visit of Mr. Tang to North Korea showed how seriously China was
taking the problem. China's working on North Korea was extremely
important." With this, US State Department Spokesman McCormack
indicated that Tang's North Korea visit as a key person in charge of
China's foreign policy became a watershed. Tang arrived in Pyongyang
on Oct. 18 and met with Kim Jong Il after waiting 24 hours. Back in
Beijing, Tang met with US Secretary of State Rice, who was on her
way to the countries concerned. "My visit to North Korea was not in
vain," Tang told Rice.

North Korea's aim was consistent from beginning to end. Pyongyang
wanted Washington to call off its financial sanctions imposed on
North Korea. Pyongyang explored a direct dialogue with the United
States. However, Washington would not change its principle,
insisting on negotiating within the framework of the six-party
talks. China, aware of the United States' intention, set out to work
on North Korea, searching for common ground while implying pressure
on North Korea.

In the meantime, Assistant Secretary of State Hill, who represents
the United States at the six-party talks, was accompanying Rice. On
Oct. 21, however, Hill, apart from Rice, went to Hong Kong for a
briefing from the US Consulate General in Hong Kong on financial
sanctions imposed on the Banco Delta Asia, a Macau-based bank. His
visit to Hong Kong was a message to North Korea in a way, meaning
the United States will not call off the sanctions and signaling
North Korea to return to the six-party talks if it wants to talk
about finance.

On Oct. 23, Hill left Hong Kong for Fiji to attend a forum of
Pacific island nations. At that point of time, Pyongyang seemed to
have deemed that there would be no chance to talk about the
financial sanctions if it does not come back to the six-party
talks.

"We'd like to hold talks in Beijing. We want the United States to
participate in our informal talks in Beijing." With this, North
Korea asked China to host an informal meeting of the United States,
China, and North Korea. In response, China sounded out the United

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States on whether the United States would join the trilateral talks
in Beijing. Later on, CNBC, a US TV broadcaster, interviewed Rice.
In the interview, she revealed the circumstances behind the scenes.

The North Korean proposal, which China conveyed to the United
States, had a time limit. China asked the United States to answer by
Oct. 31. Rice informally told Japan and other countries concerned
about North Korea's proposal to hold trilateral talks with the
United States and China. Meanwhile, Hill stayed in the Pacific-Asia
region and was on standby in Australia until Washington gave the
go-ahead.

On Oct. 27, Tang met with South Korean Foreign and Trade Minister
Ban Ki Moon. "This is an important time, so we should be
coolheaded," Tang told Ban. With this, China indirectly urged the
United States to participate in the trilateral talks.

"Let's do it that way." Rice gave this answer to China after talking
with President Bush. Hill left Sydney for Beijing. On Oct. 31, Hill
first met with Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Wu Dawei in Beijing.
Later on, North Korean Vice Foreign Minister Kim Gye Gwan joined
Hill and Wu. The three held talks over lunch. In the end, they
agreed to resume the six-party talks, with Hill and Kim getting in
touch. Their Beijing talks lasted seven hours. As a result, the
13-day diplomatic bargaining came to an end.

(5) Seiron (Opinion) column by Jun Sakurada: Follow-up on my last
argument on flaws in Japan's nuclear-arms debate; How to secure the
quality of Japan-US security arrangements?

SANKEI (Page 13) (Slightly abridged)
October 30, 2006

North Korea's recent nuclear test is reviving the debate in Japan on
nuclear arms. The debate in itself, as Foreign Minister Taro Aso
stated, should not be squelched. But the past nuclear arms debates
in Japan have lacked a constructive nature, sandwiched between the
sentiment of Japan being an only-victim nation of nuclear bombings
and the desire to make Japan truly an independent state by means of
nuclear arms as advocated mostly by conservative and rightist
intellectuals.

I think the path the French government followed under President
Charles de Gaulle before that country went nuclear at the early
1960s is a good reference for Japan in thinking about the meaning of
nuclear arms. Opinions expressed by intellectuals who clustered
around de Gaul as advisors implied the reasons why France needed to
possess nuclear arms. First, Raymond Aron looked at nuclear
possession in the context of international politics. Aron advocated
that France's "nuclear arms" would not be replaced by those of the
United States. Secondly, Pierre Gallois, from a military point of
view, formulated a theory of nuclear strategy. He studied the
reasons why France needed to become a nuclear power amid the
standoff between the U.S. and the Soviet Union. Thirdly, France
unfolded a policy laced with the culture of France symbolized by
Andre Malraux.

These intellectuals at times were at odds with each other and
sometimes compensated each other in debating a nuclear option and
gave support to the de Gaulle administration until it acquired
nuclear weapons. At the time of the Cuban crisis, which brought
humankind to the brink of a nuclear war, de Gaulle, who by then had
made France into a nuclear power, definitely supported the US. Under

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the de Gaulle government, an advantage of nuclear possession, as
Aron indicated, is that it makes it possible for the country to keep
a balance between psychological independence as sought by France,
and realism necessary to secure harmony in the West at the time.

I think unless advisors like Aron, Gallois, and Malraux, are
available to Japan, nuclear possession is not a realistic option at
all. I wonder how Japan will conform to the ongoing international
efforts to realize nuclear nonproliferation if it becomes a nuclear
power. I also wonder how Japan will handle its "nuclear weapons"
once the Korean Peninsula is denuclearized? How will Japan's
"nuclear weapons" be actually used under the Japan-US security
arrangements? No doubt Japan's "nuclear weapons" would make other
countries less sympathetic to it. Can Japan appropriately prepare a
system to make up for that loss of sympathy?

Japan needs to answer each of those questions with persuasion;
otherwise Japan's "nuclear weapons" won't meet its national
interests.

I have consistently maintained to date that improving conventional
weapons that are applicable in actual scenes and signing an accord
on the criteria on their use would be far more useful than
considering nuclear possession. When North Korea test-fired missiles
in early July, an argument calling on Japan to have a capability to
attack the command center of the enemy base came out. I wonder how
far this argument has deepened so far. Boiling down discussion on
that argument and coming up with a proper policy would be a
substantial contribution to the security of Japan.

What is more, if Japan continues to rely on America's nuclear
umbrella while being a nuclear free country, it is inevitable that
it will have to delete "not allowing nuclear weapons into Japan"
from the three nonnuclear principles of not possessing, not
producing and not allowing nuclear weapons into Japan.

However, the current state of the three nonnuclear principles
shackle America's nuclear umbrella, though Japan relies on it. This
is illogical in terms of securing the effectiveness of the Japan-US
security arrangements. Debate on a review of the three nonnuclear
principles ought to be essentially conducted from this point of
view.

North Korea's "nuclear possession" is no longer an armchair threat
but a real one.

It is therefore necessary for us to debate pragmatically, away from
sway of useless emotions or desires, how to respond to North Korea's
nuclear weapons in order to achieve the goals of removing and easing
the threat.

Jun Sakurada: politician scientist and lecturer at Toyo Gakuen
University.

(6) Cabinet Office admits having asked participants to ask questions
from position of supporting bill amending education law

YOMIURI (Page 4) (Full)
November 2, 2006

The Cabinet Office asked participants prior to a town meeting on
educational reform held by the government in Hachinohe City, Aomori
Prefecture, on Sept. 2, to ask questions from the position of

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supporting the bill amending the Fundamental Law of Education. In a
meeting of the House of Representatives' Special Committee on the
Fundamental Law of Education, lawmaker Ikuko Ishii (Japanese
Communist Party) revealed this information, citing documents
produced by the Cabinet Office, the Education Bureau of Aomori
Prefecture, and other organizations. The government acknowledged the
fact.

Ishii presented two documents that had been sent by fax to the
principles of local junior high schools by an education office and
the Education Bureau of Aomori Prefecture. One document, "Request
about questions in the town meeting," suggests that participants ask
one of the three listed questions.

Another document notes, "There was the following advice by the
Cabinet Office about statements: (1) Use your own words, given the
nature of the meeting as much as possible (and avoid reading in a
monotone); and (2) don't say that you are "asked" (and give an
impression that you are expressing your own opinion).

In a question session of the committee yesterday, Hiroshi Doihara,
Deputy Vice Minister of the Cabinet Office explained: "There are
cases in which we distribute background data, with the aim of
animating discussion. The Cabinet Office produced such data, though
not all." Chief Cabinet Secretary Shiozaki said that the office will
investigate to check if there are similar cases and then "survey
results will be reported."

(7) Battle intensifying between ruling, opposition camps over bill
amending Basic Education Law

YOMIURI (Page 4) (Full)
November 2, 2006

Now that rescue measures have been worked out for high school
students who will not earn sufficient credit units for graduation,
the ruling parties are eager to accelerate deliberations on a bill
amending the Fundamental Law of Education. Meanwhile, the opposition
camp intends to zero in on the government while stressing the need
to review the current educational administration system in order to
bring about a fundamental solution to education problems. The battle
is heating up between the ruling and opposition parties over whether
the bill should be passed in the current Diet session.

The Special Committee on the Fundamental Law of Education decided in
its directors' meeting yesterday to hold on Nov. 8 local public
hearings, a precondition for taking a vote. But the opposition camp
has been calling for more local public hearings, as well as a
central public hearing to be held. The ruling camp is willing to
speed up deliberations on the bill, separating it from the scandal
over schools not offering compulsory classes, deeming that the
problem has already been settled with the government's rescue
measures.

In the House of Representatives, nearly 70 hours have already been
spent for deliberations on the bill amending the education law in
both the current and last ordinary sessions. Given this, one
official said, "Contentious points over the bill have been fully
discussed," and the ruling side aims to have the bill pass the Lower
House around Nov. 10. A senior LDP member said: "To secure
satisfactory time for deliberations in the House of Councillors, we
will have to pass the bill in the Lower House around Nov. 15, one
month before the adjournment of the current session, at the

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latest."

In a meeting yesterday of the party's "next cabinet," Minshuto
(Democratic Party of Japan) Secretary General Hatoyama revealed his
intention to further pursue the government's responsibility, saying:
"I wonder why this problem had been left covered up until now. There
is the culture of secrecy, and the responsibility also rests with
the Education, Science and Technology Ministry."

On the amendment bill, Hatoyama stressed his determination to block
the bill from passing in the current Diet session, saying: "The bill
will not serve to deal with contemporary issues. Should the ruling
parties try to push the bill through the Diet, we will have to
doggedly hold out against it."

Minshuto, the Japanese Communist Party, the Social Democratic Party,
and the People's New Party decided in a meeting yesterday of their
Diet Affairs Committee chairmen to call on the Lower House Education
and Science Committee to hold intensive deliberations on problems
related to bullying and failure in teaching compulsory subjects.
Minshuto Diet Affairs Committee Chairman Yoshiaki Takagi argued: "We
will not be able to properly deliberate on the amendment bill as
long as such issues as bullying and compulsory subject issues remain
unresolved."

(8) Action program on preventing global warming worked out by Japan,
US, Australia and other three APP members

ASAHI (Page 4) (Full)
November 2, 2006

The government yesterday released an action program compiled by the
Asia-Pacific Partnership (APP) on Clean Development and Climate
launched by six countries, including Japan, the United States, and
Australia. Under this program, the six countries will set up eight
industry-specific working panels tasked with mapping out specific
projects, under which experts will be sent to China and India, in
which large volumes of carbon dioxide (CO2) have been emitted from
the iron and steel industry. The dispatched experts will give
guidance on improvement of energetic efficiency and research each
nation's potential capability of reducing CO2 emissions from the
cement industry.

SCHIEFFER