DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 05/16/06

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 15 TOKYO 002689

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SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 05/16/06

INDEX:

(1) Poll on Koizumi cabinet, political parties, post-Koizumi race
(Mainichi)

(2) Poll on Koizumi cabinet, political parties, post-Koizumi race
(Tokyo Shimbun)

(3) Poll on Koizumi cabinet, political parties, LDP race
(Yomiuri)

(4) Poll on education law revision

(5) Camp Schwab coastline plan and Okinawa governor: Inamine
needs to offer clear explanation to Okinawa public

(6) Reason why pro-American Chief Cabinet Secretary Abe gave the
cold shoulder to US Assistant Secretary of State Hill

(7) METI to assist Asia in its energy conserving effort; Plan to
be mapped out before end of this month; Stabilizing crude oil
prices eyed

(8) JAL lets person on board aircraft who was not on manifest

(9) Post-Koizumi contenders; Researching Taro Aso (part 1); Does
not hide his desire to assume premiership, but remains unable to
open vista

(10) Number of children under state guardianship rises to 35,792,
because of child abuse, divorces, deaths of parents

ARTICLES:

(1) Poll on Koizumi cabinet, political parties, post-Koizumi race
(Mainichi)

MAINICHI (Page 2) (Full)
May 16, 2006

Questions & Answers
(T = total; P = previous; M = male; F = female)

Q: Do you support the Koizumi cabinet?

T P M F
Yes 50 (48) 46 53
No 36 (36) 43 50
Not interested 13 (15) 10 16

Q: (Only for those who answered "yes" to the above question) Why?

T P M F
Because the prime minister is from the Liberal Democratic Party
8 (11) 8 8
Because something can be expected of Prime Minister Koizumi's
leadership
24 (28) 22 25
Because new policy measures can be expected
17 (17) 17 18
Because the nature of politics is likely to change
47 (41) 52 43


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Q: (Only for those who answered "no" to the above question) Why?

T P M F
Because the prime minister is from the Liberal Democratic Party
8 (11) 9 7
Because the prime minister compromises too much with the ruling
parties
22 (22) 25 17
Because the nation's economic recovery is slow
49 (46) 44 56
Because the prime minister is reluctant to take action against
political scandals
15 (15) 15 16

Q: Which political party do you support?

T P M F
Libera l Democratic Party (LDP)
31 (33) 29 33
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto)
20 (12) 27 14
New Komeito (NK)
6 (3) 4 7
Japanese Communist Party (JCP)
2 (3) 2 2
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto)
2 (3) 2 1
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto)
0 (0) 0 0
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon)
0 (0) 0 0
Other parties
1 (1) 0 1
None
35 (43) 34 36

Q: Prime Minister Koizumi will not run in the LDP's presidential
election set for this September and will step down. Who do you
think is appropriate for the next prime minister?

T P M F
Taro Aso 3 (3) 3 3
Shinzo Abe 38 (36) 35 42
Taro Kono 2 (--) 2 1
Sadakazu Tanigaki 3 (1) 4 2
Yasuo Fukuda 20 (18) 27 13
Taku Yamasaki 1 (1) 1 1
Not on the list 27 (28) 25 29


Q: What would you like the next prime minister to pursue first?

T P M F
Fiscal reconstruction
19 (20) 21 18
Economic recovery
29 (27) 27 31
Cope with low birthrates 23 (23) 19 26
Improve Japan's ties with China, South Korea
14 (11) 20 10
Constitutional revision 3 (4) 4 2
Not on the list 8 (9) 8 9


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Q: It has been one month since Ichiro Ozawa became DPJ president.
Do you have expectations for the DPJ under him?

T M F
Yes 53 60 47
No 41 37 45

(Note) Figures shown in percentage, rounded off. "0" indicates
that the figure was below 0.5%. "No answer" omitted. Parentheses
denote the results of the last survey conducted April 1-2. In the
last survey, Taro Kono was not on the list of post-Koizumi
candidates, and Heizo Takenaka was on the list.

Polling methodology: The survey was conducted May 13-14 over the
telephone with the aim of calling a total of 1,000 voters across
the nation on a computer-aided random digit sampling (RDS) basis.
Answers were obtained from 1,061 persons.

(2) Poll on Koizumi cabinet, political parties, post-Koizumi race
(Tokyo Shimbun)

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full)
May 16, 2006

Questions & Answers
(Figures shown in percentage. Parentheses denote the results of
the last survey conducted April 7-8.)

Q: Do you support the Koizumi cabinet?

Yes 49.6 (47.2)
No 37.6 (39.9)
Don't know (D/K) + no answer (N/A) 12.8 (12.9)

Q: (Only for those who answered "yes" to the previous question)
What's the primary reason for your approval of the Koizumi
cabinet? Pick only one from among those listed below.

The prime minister is trustworthy
9.6 (12.4)
Because it's a coalition cabinet of the Liberal Democratic Party
and the New Komeito
3.5 (5.4)
The prime minister has leadership ability
19.5 (16.8)
Something can be expected of its economic policies
4.0 (6.6)
Something can be expected of its foreign policies
5.1 (1.8)
Something can be expected of its political reforms
16.5 (20.3)
Something can be expected of its tax reforms
1.4 (2.0)
Something can be expected of its administrative reforms
10.6 (6.1)
There's no other appropriate person (for prime minister)
28.3 (25.7)
Other answers (O/A)
0.7 (1.5)
D/K+N/A
0.8 (1.4)

Q: (Only for those who answered "no" to the first question)

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What's the primary reason for your disapproval of the Koizumi
cabinet? Pick only one from among those listed below.

The prime minister is untrustworthy
12.2 (9.6)
Because it's a coalition cabinet of the Liberal Democratic Party
and the New Komeito
5.8 (4.1)
The prime minister lacks leadership ability
1.6 (0.7)
Nothing can be expected of its economic policies
22.2 (23.9)
Nothing can be expected of its foreign policy
15.1 (12.5)
Nothing can be expected of its political reforms
10.5 (9.2)
Nothing can be expected of its tax reforms
11.0 (12.9)
Nothing can be expected of its administrative reforms
6.6 (10.0)
Don't like the prime minister's personal character
11.1 (11.8)
O/A
2.0 (3.7)
D/K+N/A
1.9 (1.6)

Q: Which political party do you support?

Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 39.0 (43.4)
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 24.2 (19.9)
New Komeito (NK) 3.8 (3.0)
Japan Communist Party (JCP) 1.9 (2.6)
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1.9 (1.5)
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0.1 (0.3)
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0.2 (0.1)
Other political parties, groups --- (---)
None 27.2 (27.3)
D/K+N/A 1.7 (1.9)

Q: Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi has declared his intention to
step down in September this year. The next prime minister will
essentially be elected in this fall's LDP presidential election.
Who do you think is appropriate for the next prime minister? Pick
only one.

Taro Aso 4.5
Shinzo Abe 40.1
Taro Kono 1.6
Sadakazu Tanigaki 2.7
Yasuo Fukuda 31.4
Others 1.4
D/K+N/A 18.3

Q: Do you think the next prime minister should pay homage at
Yasukuni Shrine?

Yes 35.8
No 51.8
D/K+N/A 12.4

Q: Prime Minister Koizumi has pushed for structural reforms, such
as introducing market mechanisms and carrying out deregulation.

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What do you think the next prime minister should do about
structural reforms? Pick only one.

Continue 30.1
Revise 30.6
Overhaul 32.3
D/K+N/A 7.0

Q: When would you like the next House of Representatives election
to be held? Pick only one.

By the end of this year, after this fall's LDP presidential
election 36.3
By the end of next year 28.6
In 3 years, shortly before the present House of Representatives
members' term ends 24.8
O/A 0.3
D/K+N/A 10.0

Q: There will be an election for the House of Councillors in the
summer of next year. At this point, which political party or
which political party's candidate would you like to vote for?
Pick only one.

LDP 37.1
DPJ 28.9
NK 3.8
JCP 2.4
SDP 1.5
PNP 0.1
NPN ---
Other political parties, groups ---
Independent 2.9
Won't go to the polls 0.9
D/K+N/A 22.4

Polling methodology: The survey was conducted by Kyodo News
Service over a period of two days, May 13-14, on a random digit-
dialing (RDD) basis. The computer-aided RDD methodology, which
makes and puts out telephone numbers at random for polling, can
survey those who do not have their telephone numbers listed in
telephone directories. Among those randomly generated telephone
numbers, those actually for household use with one or more
eligible voters totaled 1,486. Answers were obtained from 1,025
persons.

(3) Poll on Koizumi cabinet, political parties, LDP race
(Yomiuri)

YOMIURI (Page 2) (Full)
May 16, 2006

Questions & Answers
(Figures shown in percentage. Parentheses denote the results of a
survey conducted in April.)

Q: Do you support the Koizumi cabinet?

Yes 54.4 (56.0)
No 35.4 (35.5)
Other answers (O/A) 2.7 (2.3)
No answer (N/A) 7.5 (6.2)


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Q: Give up to two reasons for your approval of the Koizumi
cabinet.

I can appreciate its political stance 31.9
I can appreciate its policy measures 15.6
It's stable 13.8
The prime minister is trustworthy 15.7
It's achieved actual results 40.3
It's a coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and the New
Komeito 7.7
It's better than its predecessors 38.4
O/A 1.5
N/A 0.4

Q: Give up to two reasons for your disapproval of the Koizumi
cabinet.

I can't appreciate its political stance 38.7
I can't appreciate its policy measures 42.2
It's unstable 12.0
The prime minister is untrustworthy 25.4
It's failed to achieve noticeable results 22.9
It's a coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and the New
Komeito 15.2
It's worse than its predecessors 3.9
O/A 3.3
N/A 1.7

Q: Which political party do you support now?

Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 42.3 (42.8)
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 15.8
(14.0)
New Komeito (NK) 3.4 (2.2)
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2.0 (1.5)
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1.2 (1.0)
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) --- (0.1)
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0.2 (0.2)
Other political parties 0.1 (---)
None 34.5 (36.9)
N/A 0.7 (1.2)

Q: Prime Minister Koizumi has clarified his intention to resign
as prime minister in September this year when his term as LDP
president runs out. Who do you think is appropriate for the next
prime minister? If any, pick only one from among the following
nine persons.

Taro Aso 4.1
Shinzo Abe 40.0
Koichi Kato 2.8
Yuriko Koike 1.2
Heizo Takenaka 1.6
Sadakazu Tanigaki 1.4
Fukushiro Nukaga 0.4
Yasuo Fukuda 23.2
Taku Yamasaki 0.4
Others + not on the list + N/A 24.8

Q: Do you have expectations for DPJ President Ozawa?

Yes 27.0
Yes to a certain degree 22.5

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No to a certain degree 16.9
No 30.8
N/A 2.8

Q: Do you think the DPJ is competent enough to take office?

Yes 29.4
No 61.4
N/A 9.2

Q: To what extent do you think DPJ President Ozawa will affect
the LDP presidential election?

Very much 15.3
Somewhat 43.6
Not very much 25.4
Not at all 9.4
N/A 6.3

Polling methodology
Date of survey: May 13-14.
Subjects of survey: 3,000 persons chosen from among all eligible
voters throughout the country (at 250 locations on a stratified
two-stage random sampling basis).
Method of implementation: Door-to-door visits for face-to-face
interviews.
Number of valid respondents: 1,788 persons (59.6% ).
Breakdown of respondents: Male-49%, female-51%.

(4) Poll on education law revision

MAINICHI (Page 2) (Full)
May 16, 2006

Questions & Answers
(T = total; P = previous; M = male; F = female)

Q: A government-introduced bill is now before the Diet for
amendments to the Basic Education Law. The bill incorporates the
wording "respect Japan's traditions and culture" and "love Japan
and its land." What do you think about these expressions?

T P M F
They're fine
40 37 42
Patriotism should be even more expressly stipulated
26 29 24
There's no need to incorporate patriotism
25 30 21

Q: Do you think the law should be amended during the current Diet
session?

T P M F
Yes 17 16 18
No 66 70 62
It should be voted down and scrapped in the current Diet session
7 9 5

Polling methodology: The survey was conducted May 13-14 over the
telephone with the aim of calling a total of 1,000 voters across
the nation on a computer-aided random digit sampling (RDS) basis.
Answers were obtained from 1,061 persons.

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(5) Camp Schwab coastline plan and Okinawa governor: Inamine
needs to offer clear explanation to Okinawa public

MAINICHI (Page 4) (Abridged slightly)
May 16, 2006

By Teruhisa Mimori of the Mainichi Shimbun Naha Bureau

Okinawa Gov. Keiichi Inamine reached an accord with the Defense
Agency to relocate the functions of the US Marine Corps' Futenma
Air Station to the coastline of Camp Schwab in Nago in the
prefecture and signed a basic agreement with the central
government. Despite that, the governor has repeatedly denied he
has given his concurrence on the coastal plan, which he had been
rejecting since the release of the interim realignment report
between Japan and the US last October. But the more he tries to
insist that he is not in agreement, the more unclear his true
motives become. His denial even makes me think that he had no
choice but to accept the plan given a reduction in the security
burden and the return of some of the bases in the prefecture.
Inamine should stop speaking with a forked tongue and explain his
real intention to the Okinawa public.

The biggest problem with the basic agreement is that it is an
accord on the coastal plan, no matter how it is read, and that it
is totally divorced from Okinawa's May 4 request for a temporary
heliport to prevent the new site from becoming a permanent base.
Inamine said in a press conference on May 12, "It simply affirmed
continued talks while recognizing differences in views between
the central and Okinawa prefectural governments."

If that is true, why there are no passages explaining the
differences between the government's coastal plan and Okinawa's
temporary heliport plan? Inamine also explained that being unable
to accept the coastal plan, the prefectural government has
presented the central government with a written request for a
temporary heliport. But the central government and Okinawa signed
only one agreement.

The agreement reads: "To deal with the matter carefully when
eliminating risks of Futenma Air Station." The Defense Agency may
argue that the coastal plan is the ultimate means to eliminate
risks.

The major difference between the coastal and temporary heliports
plans is that the former involves landfills. Both plans involve
the use of the land portion of Camp Schwab. The phrase "based on
the government's plan" does not automatically rule out a
temporary heliport. The authority to issue permission for
reclaiming land rests with the governor. Every time Inamine was
asked if he would say 'yes' to a government request for
landfills, he always said, "That won't occur anytime soon. For
now, I'll focus on my immediate goals." The central government
may ask for the governor's permission in three or four years.
Inamine might not be in office when the government asks for it.
If Inamine is absolutely determined to reject the coastal plan to
the last, why couldn't he tell people that he will not allow a
landfill project if he is in office three or for years from now?

Seventy-five% of US bases in Japan are concentrated in Okinawa, a
prefecture making up only 0.6% of Japan's national land area.
Opinion polls conducted in April by two local newspapers showed

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that 70% of Okinawans were against the coastal plan. Inamine is
in a position to represent their wishes. He is also one of the
governors of prefectures hosting US bases -- a position bearing
heavy responsibilities.

There are more lawmakers and local heads who are reneging on
promises than one can count. Nago Mayor Yoshikazu Shimabukuro is
one of them. Shimabukuro had shown boundaries for revision talks
by using aerial photos before the city assembly, but he soon
reached an agreement with the Defense Agency on a V-shaped runway
plan, a large deviation from the boundaries he talked about.
Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi also described the government's
failure to deliver on his pledge to keep the issuance of new
bonds below 30 trillion yen as "no big deal."

In discussing the Okinawa base issue, Inamine used language that
was hard to understand. Spending the last year in Naha, I have
developed a favorable impression of Inamine as governor attaching
importance to his previous statements and their consistency. He
kept refusing the coastal plan even after Tokyo and Washington
produced their final report incorporating major steps to reduce
Okinawa's burden, such as relocating 8,000 US Marines to Guam and
returning six bases south of Kadena Air Base.

But I must admit that my view of Inamine was wrong. Inamine
indicated that he would play up the temporary heliport plan in
talks with the central government. But there is no connection
between the coastal plan, which would pave the way for permanent
base arrangements, and the temporary heliport plan. Inamine's
insistence on the heliport plan is certain to collapse.

The return of the six bases and a decline in the number of US
Marines would tremendously affect the incomes of local
landowners, employment of local base workers, and Okinawa's
overall economy. As those issues cannot be settled independently,
Okinawa must cooperate with the government. Accepting the coastal
plan is one option.

In order to make decisions, Okinawa residents need a thorough
explanation. Given no clear explanation, they must have greeted
the 35th anniversary of the reversion of Okinawa to Japan
yesterday with deeply mixed emotions.

(6) Reason why pro-American Chief Cabinet Secretary Abe gave the
cold shoulder to US Assistant Secretary of State Hill

SHUKAN BUNSHU (Page 54) (Full)
April 27, 2006

On April 10, the members of the six-party talks on North Korea's
nuclear issue assembled in Tokyo for a "Tokyo Conference." All
eyes were on the possibility of a meeting between the United
States and North Korea, but since US Assistant Secretary of State
Hill had rejected such a possibility, nothing resulted in the
end. However, there was another person whom Hill himself wanted
to meet but did not. That person was Chief Cabinet Secretary
Shinzo Abe.

A political reporter for a national daily said: "Assistant
Secretary Hill sounded out Chief Cabinet Secretary Abe about a

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meeting. But Abe's aides were reluctant, so a date was never
set." Abe is known to be part of the Diet's pro-American group,
going back to the days when former US Deputy Secretary of State

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Armitage and Abe's father (when he was foreign minister) were in
close contact. Abe's accomplishments also include his standing on
the forefront in tackling issues with North Korea. Then, why did
Abe refuse to meet Assistant Secretary Hill?

According to the same source, "Assistant Secretary Hill is a big
hater of Japan. At the time when Secretary of State Rice visited
Indonesia on March 14, he assembled the accompanying press and
naming him by name said, 'Mister Abe is too hawkish.' He
criticized Chief Cabinet Secretary Abe as if he were one of the
causes of discord in the six-party talks. Since Chief Cabinet
Secretary Abe knew that fact, he must have made the judgment that

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there was no reason to meet Hill."

In the post-Koizumi political race, Abe's evaluation in America
is growing stronger every day. That is why Assistant Secretary
Hill wanted to repair relations with him. But he was rejected
like a spurned lover. Assistant Secretary Hill has long been
known in the US government for his tendency to make irresponsible
remarks. A White House source revealed: "At the beginning of this
year, Hill, forgetting his position was that of assistant
secretary of State, directly told President Bush that the reason

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for the lack of progress in six-party talks was the Yasukuni
issue. President Bush admonished him, 'You're in no position to
make such a charge."

A source in the Foreign Ministry revealed: "At one point, Asia-
Pacific Affairs Bureau Director General Kenichiro Sasae was
working strongly on Assistant Secretary Hill in order to bring
about a meeting between the US and North Korea. But the White
House sent Victor Cha, the director of North Korean and Japanese
affairs in the National Security Council, to accompany Hill as
its 'chief spy,' for Assistant Secretary Hill was not allowed to
act on his own. As a result, Assistant Secretary Hill, having
been stiffed by Abe, met with the prime minister's personal
secretary (Kaoru) Iijima, but after the meeting, he reportedly

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let this slip out: 'That was a waste of time.'" The sea is rough
indeed when it comes to negotiations with North Korea.

(7) METI to assist Asia in its energy conserving effort; Plan to
be mapped out before end of this month; Stabilizing crude oil
prices eyed

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 1) (Full)
May 15, 2006

In a bid to cut fast-growing energy consumption in Asia, the
Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI) has as of May 14
decided to map out an Asia energy conservation program, which is
designed to disseminate Japan's top-level energy conserving
technology and system to Asian countries. Characterizing the
program as part of its future energy policy, METI will
incorporate it in its new state energy strategy, which it will
compile before the end of May. The aim of providing such
assistance is to stabilize rising energy prices, such as oil, as
well as to bring developing countries, such as China and India,
whose carbon dioxide emissions are on the increase, into a
framework that will replace the current Kyoto Protocol, whose
first commitment period ends in 2012.

A major portion of the program will be to assist Asian countries
with the implementation of various systems that have been proved
successful in Japan, including setting energy conserving targets

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for automobiles and household electric appliances and mandating
companies to report their energy-conserving efforts.

Countries eligible for such assistance will be chosen from among
such countries as China, India, Thailand, Indonesia and Vietnam,
and experts will be dispatched for chosen countries.

Under the program, companies that have energy conserving
technology will help Japanese companies engaging in business
operations in Asia using public money. Their assistance
activities will also cover the improvement of inefficient power
plants. METI will also look into the possibility of assisting the
establishment of energy conserving targets for electric equipment
in cooperation with environmental protection groups.

According to the Agency for Natural Resources and Energy, the
amount of oil Japan consumers in producing a certain set amount
of profits is one-ninth of the amount China uses. Thus, its
energy-conserving level is far higher than that of other Asian
countries.

Demand for energy in the Asian region has sharply increased in
recent years, following the expanded economic activities there.
This is contributing to the sharp rise in crude oil prices.

(8) JAL lets person on board aircraft who was not on manifest

NHK website
May 16, 2006

According to Japan Air Lines (JAL),one of its aircraft departed
last month on the 16th from Qingdao (China) bound for Narita
having allowed on board a passenger, a Japanese male in his
thirties, who was not listed on the passenger manifest. The man
originally was supposed to depart on ANA flight 40 minutes later
bound for Narita, but after he went through boarding procedures
at Qingdao Airport, he reportedly switched tickets with a women
he knew who was scheduled to board the JAL flight in question.
ANA at the boarding gate noticed that he had a woman's passport
and her ticket, and refused to let him board since he was a
different person, but JAL did not notice the difference and let
him board the plane. The man reportedly (later) gave such
explanations as, "There was a person on the JAL flight I was
traveling with, so I asked the woman to let me go in her stead."
The Ministry of Land and Transport has made it obligatory for
airline companies as an anti-terrorist measure to check the
passports and boarding passes of all passengers in flights bound
for Japan. The Ministry has ordered JAL to take measures to
prevent a reoccurrence. JAL gave this explanation: "That day, we
could not check the passengers because we were busy handling
another flight that had been cancelled. We intend to thoroughly
confirm the identities of passengers and make every effort to
prevent a reoccurrence."

(9) Post-Koizumi contenders; Researching Taro Aso (part 1); Does
not hide his desire to assume premiership, but remains unable to
open vista

NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Slightly abridged)
May 16, 2006

Five second to third-term Lower House members on the evening of
May 12 gathered at a restaurant in Roppongi, Tokyo, having been

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invited there by Foreign Minister Taro Aso. Over dinner, Aso
cited such words as "elderly society with vigor" and "small but
strong government." Though he has never openly declared his
candidacy for the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) presidential
election, he does not hide his desire to succeed Prime Minister
Koizumi.

Discord in faction exposed

The five lawmakers were not members of the former Kono faction,
to which Aso belongs. Aso holds a meeting with middle-ranked and
junior lawmakers once a week. His efforts indicate that there
remain high barriers he must clear in order to assume the reins
of government. In order to run in the LDP presidential race,
which is to take place in September, a candidate needs to be
backed by 20 lawmakers. The former Kono faction has only ten
members, excluding Aso and Lower House Speaker Yohei Kono, who
has temporarily left the faction in order to serve in that post.

Shunichi Yamaguchi, Seiko Noda and Koki Arai recommended Aso in
the 2001 presidential election, in which he competed with
Junichiro Koizumi. However, they have left the party due to the
political crisis over last year's postal services privatization.
At the outset of this year, Yohei Kono said: "We will back Mr.
Aso in unison. I do not mind changing the name of our faction
into the Aso faction." However, his eldest son Taro Kono all of a
sudden declared his candidacy on May 11, revealing a
deterioration of factional unity.

A certain middle-ranked lawmaker, who backed Aso five years ago,
said, "If Shinzo Abe runs, I want to back a winner this time
around." While traveling abroad this month, Aso said, "I am
confident that I can collect enough recommendations." However,
the atmosphere of Nagata-cho (Diet) is neither friendly nor warm
toward him now..

The Aso camp's strategy for his becoming prime minister is to
increase his name recognition. To face the presidential election,
he must have the public's backing, made possible by his having
served in the high-profile position of foreign minister. This is
the strategy for taking the reins of government envisaged by his
camp. However, it is not necessarily working out smoothly.

He holds rallies once a week, giving speeches at such venues as
Akihabara, Tokyo. He has also intentionally increased his TV
appearances since April. He has added a blog to his website,
which was updated on May 8.

Nevertheless, in a poll conducted by the Nihon Keizai Shimbun on
May 12 through 14, Aso's popularity rating stood at 3%, far
behind Abe's 33% and Yasuo Fukuda's 21%. There is no sign of his
support rate taking an upward turn.

Another strategy of the 65-year old Aso is to be the antithesis
of the young Abe, as he said, "Considering that the leader of the
major opposition Democratic Party of Japan (Minshuto) is
(veteran) Ichiro Ozawa, being young alone may not suffice as a
post-Koizumi contender." However, since the Mori faction decided
to allow more than one candidate, chances are now high that
Fukuda will also run in the race. If Aso idly stands by, he will
be defeated again as was the case in the 2001 election, in which
he garnered only 31 votes.


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The outspoken Aso is said to be the maverick of Nagata-cho. He
began to show his political presence after the presidential
election 10 years ago. Since then, he has successively served in
high-profile posts, such as chairman of the LDP Policy Research
Council and Internal Affairs and Communications minister. Now his
name is on the list of candidates for the LDP president. He once
candidly revealed his mind: "I am not a favorite, but I have come
this far by not yielding to flattery."

Prospects for his winning look severe, but he is not pessimistic,
saying, "You cannot tell whether you will be elected or not if
you do not run." He enjoys reading comics, seeing in them the
present situation of hopes always being pinned on the arrival of
a national savior. Probably because he has made his bid to run in
the race, he told his aide: "If the times still yearn for a
leader like Mr. Koizumi, I have a chance."

(10) Number of children under state guardianship rises to 35,792,
because of child abuse, divorces, deaths of parents

YOMIURI (Page 34) (Full)
May 15, 2006

By Masaki Takakura

The number of children placed under the care of the state (from
under one year old to 18 years old) who cannot live with their
parents for such reasons as child abuse, their parents' divorces,
or deaths of their parents rose to 35,792 individuals as of the
end of March 2005, up 1,091 from the year before, according to a
survey by the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare.

Children under state guardianship are temporarily taken into
protective custody by child consultation centers and later moved
to child protection centers, homes for orphaned, neglected or
abused children, or foster homes registered in each prefecture.
As of the end of March 2005, a total of 2,942 children were
placed at 117 child protection centers and a total of 29,828
children at 557 homes for orphaned, neglected or abused children.
Children left in the hands of foster parents numbered 3,022
persons.

Despite the declining birthrate, the Japanese society has seen
the number of children under state care on the rise. As the
reasons, the National Council of Children's Homes at Chiyoda
Ward, Tokyo, explained: "There are no signs that child abuse
cases caused by, for instance, domestic violence and neglect of
child rearing, are shrinking. Moreover, with nuclear families now
the norm, family households no longer work as a place for rearing
children."

"I'll become a member of the Herman family"

Take the case of children unable to live with their parents who
come under state care. Most of such children taken into state
protection are sent to orphanages and live with similar children
there. Less than 10% of such children live with their foster
parents. On the other hand, some such children, on their own
will, seek the warmth of having a family and choose to be adopted
into foreign families, ending up going abroad

A 10-year-old boy, Hiroto, who was raised at the orphanage, "Aiji
no Ie" in Nakano Ward, Tokyo, was adopted by an American couple,

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the Hermans. Early next month, the boy, together with his new
family, will depart for Kansas.

Hiroto encountered the couple - husband, B.J. (TN: phonetic),33,
a trainer at the US Yokota Air Base in Fussa City, Tokyo, and his
wife, Jenny (TN: phonetic),32, a teacher at an elementary school
- in December 2002. This school has had personal exchanges with
"Aiji no Ie" for 40 years. The beginning of their encounter was
when Jenny invited Hiroto to visit her house.

Hugged

That night, when Hiroto stayed for the first time with the
Hermans, being unable to speak English, he began crying: "I'm
scared." The couple spoke to him in English, consoling him,
"There's nothing to worry about," and hugged him. Soon Hiroto
stopped crying and went to sleep.

For six months since then, the couple invited Hiroto to their
house every weekend to stay with them. They asked the children's
home to allow them to adopt Hiroto, saying: "Children should grow
up, receiving 100% love from parents." "That first night, when
they both hugged me. I felt very much relieved," Hiroto said.
Experiencing the warmth of having a family, Hiroto decided to let
himself be adopted as their son.

10-year-old boy to depart for US next month

"I'll become a member of the Herman family," Hiroto told his
biological mother, 31, at a guest room of the orphanage, "Aiji no
Ie." His mother told him, "You may never be able to see me
again," but he nodded: "Even so, I want to go with them."

Hiroto had lived at the orphanage since he was around three. Most
children there would be visited by their parents and brought to
their homes every weekend, but Hiroto has never had such an
experience and had always been alone. His biological mother,
deeply in debt, drifted from town to town and did not keep
contact with him. His father has never showed up even once.

In May 2004, Hiroto celebrated his birthday with the Herman
family at their house for the first time. An unexpected present
from his biological mother arrived. It was her handmade photo
album that contained snapshots showing them enjoying themselves
at Tokyo Disneyland.

The last page of the album carried a farewell note of sorts that
went: "I hope you will become a humane and strong person. Mother
will always love you."

In September that year, a baby was born as a son to the couple.
Hiroto now has a younger brother named Eiden (TN: phonetic). Late
that year, the family court approved the adoption of Hiroto into
the Herman family. Hiroto now goes to an elementary school at the
base and speaks English fluently. Reportedly, he has no problem
about daily life at the Hermans.

Since B.J. has concluded his assignment in Japan, the Hermans
will depart with his new family for the United States next month.
He is now in the fifth grade in elementary school, and still
becomes somewhat nervous. He suddenly revealed this feeling to
Jenny: "I may miss my mother after settling down in the US."


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