DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 04/17/06

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 13 TOKYO 002063

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SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 04/17/06


INDEX:

(1) Former US ambassadors to Japan Mondale, Foley, and former
Japanese ambassador to US Saito attend Tokyo seminar on China

(2) Futenma relocation agreement (Part B): Locals perplexed by V-
shaped runway plan

(3) FSX: F-22 locks on F-4

(4) Kasumigaseki confidential: Leadership struggle among security
affairs officials

(5) LDP presidency in 2006: Interview with General Council
Chairman Kyuma

(6) Interview with former LDP Secretary General Koichi Kato on
2006 LDP presidential election: Yasukuni will turn into a major
campaign issue

(7) Rapid move to lift second ban on US beef imports; Government
holding town meetings with consumers throughout country

(8) Future course of Food Safety Commission - Interview with
Nobuko Hisawa, external director of Snow Brand Milk Products Co.:
Need to help consumers understand experts

(9) A visit to Yasukuni Shrine's war memorial museum Yushukan: A
documentary film depicts the war as a "war of survival and self-
defense"

ARTICLES:

(1) Former US ambassadors to Japan Mondale, Foley, and former
Japanese ambassador to US Saito attend Tokyo seminar on China

ASAHI (Page 4) (Full)
April 15, 2006

Former US ambassadors to Japan Walter Mondale and Thomas Foley
and former Japanese Ambassador to the United States Kunihiko
Saito participated on April 14 a seminar sponsored by the Japan
Business Federation and other organizations. China's recent rapid
economic growth was the main topic of discussion. Mondale, who
was appointed ambassador to Japan by President Bill Clinton,
criticized President George W. Bush's handling of the nuclear
issue as being inconsistent.

Citing nuclear programs by North Korea and Iran, Mondale stated,
"The global mechanism of (nonproliferation of nuclear weapons)
has now been distorted." He was also critical about an accord
concluded in March between the United States and India, saying,
"Iran might say why is India allowed nuclear weapons but we are
not."

Saito focused his comments on China:

"China's totalitarian regime has suppressed freedom of speech in
the country. Relations between, Japan, the United States and
China are not an equal triangle. Since equidistant diplomacy is
unrealistic, it should not be sought."

(2) Futenma relocation agreement (Part B): Locals perplexed by V-

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shaped runway plan

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Pp.24-25) (Abridged)
April 14, 2006

A plan agreed April 7 by Defense Agency Director General
Fukushiro Nukaga and Nago Mayor Yoshikazu Shimabukuro is designed
to build two runways in a V shape -- one for takeoffs and the
other for landings -- at Camp Schwab to remove residential areas
from the flight paths.

But local residents wonder if the US military would operate the
runways in the way that the government explained.

Tsutomu Aragaki, a Naga-based lawyer who heads an NGO to revise

SIPDIS
the Japan-US Status of Forces Agreement, predicted:

"The problem with the US forces in Japan is that they don't keep
their promises. Once the runways are opened, its operation would
be left entirely to the US military. Noise will not diminish just
because the runways are built in a V shape."

According to Aragaki, descriptive pamphlets distributed to local
residents by the Defense Agency simply indicate the noise level
on the ocean side, briefly explaining that the level of noise on
the residential side would be 75% of that of the ocean side.
"Although helicopter noise is projected, the noise level of fixed-
wing aircraft is not taken into account," Aragaki said.

The additional runway that will require greater landfill is also
likely to cause problems for the marine environment.

Reclamation would wipe out dugongs

Nanzan University Prof. Shigekazu Mezaki, who has conducted
submersible surveys around the Henoko district, noted
apprehensively:

"The marine habitat will be destroyed as a result of reclaiming
land for the second runway. And consequently, dugongs in this
area would all die out. There are vocal international calls for
protecting dugongs, a rare species."

Aragaki also said angrily:

"The two countries are still discussing the runways, but in the
future, they are certain to look into the option of building a
military port there. They would try to have base functions that
are greater than those mentioned in the government's original
offshore plan. Such a plan would result in more noise pollution
and the destruction of nature."

What does the V-shaped plan mean to the US military?

"It would be an ideal base for the US military," military affairs
commentator Motoaki Kamiura categorically said.

In Kamiura's view, two runways in a V form cannot be used
exclusively for landings and takeoffs. He thinks fixed-wing
aircraft would use the landward runway and helicopters the one on
the ocean side.

Kamiura also noted:

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"Helicopters are sometimes forced to make emergency landings. The
land sitting on an extension of the runway on the ocean side can
be used in an emergency landing."

Chances are also high that MV22 Ospreys would use the landward
runway once they are deployed in Okinawa in around 2012. The MV22
can land and take off vertically. But it also needs a short field
depending on its air-load.

Kamiura speculated:

"Nukaga said that the runways would be 1,500 meters long, whereas
Shimabukuro indicated they would be 1,300 meters. The Defense
Agency thinks that 1,300 meters is too short for the operation of
Ospreys."

Sociology Prof. Masaie Ishihara of Okinawa International
University, where a Futenma-based helicopter crashed in 2004,
commented:

"After that accident, the US military was careful for a while in
determining flight paths. Those days are over. US aircraft today
fly over anything, anywhere -- universities, hospitals, daycare
centers. So people in Okinawa all know that it is a lie that US
planes will not fly over residential areas, as was agreed upon by
Nukaga and Shimabukuro. Although the US base issue has been
confined to Okinawa, US force realignment will spread the issue
to cities in mainland Japan, such as Kanoya in Kagoshima, Komatsu
in Ishikawa, and Iwakuni in Yamaguchi. People say, 'Let's share
pain with Okinawa.' I would say, 'Let's eliminate the fundamental
cause of pain.'"

(3) FSX: F-22 locks on F-4

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 27) (Full)
April 14, 2006

The Defense Agency will shortly kick-start its process of
selecting a fighter support experimental, or FSX for short. The
FSX is a follow-on fighter jet model for the Air Self-Defense
Force (ASDF) to replace the F-4EJ-Kai, an advanced model of the F-
4EJ fighter jet. The agency will set up an in-house board under
the ASDF Air Staff Office in order to screen FSX candidate
models. At the outset, it will inquire of US and European
aircraft manufacturers in writing about their candidate lineups.
The ASDF, however, has another mainstay fighter model, the F-15,
in addition to the F-4 series. Curiously enough, FSX selection to
replace the F-4 is also up to the F-15's fate.

The Defense Agency plans to replace a total of 91 F-4EJ-Kai
fighters, which have become superannuated, with new ones. The
agency has already decided to introduce the first seven new ones
under its current midterm defense buildup program for five fiscal
years from 2005 to 2009.

Japan once developed an FSX model on its own, which made its
debut as the F-2. However, the F-2 was later found defective.
Learning a lesson from such a fiasco, the Defense Agency has
given up on the choice of going ahead with FSX development at
home. For now, there are six candidates on the list, broken down
into four US-developed fighter jet models and two European
models. The four US models are the F-15X fighter, the FA-18E/F

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fighter attacker, the F-22 multipurpose fighter, and the F-35
joint strike fighter. Meanwhile, one of the two European models
is the Eurofighter, co-developed by European Union (EU)
countries. The other European model is the Dassault Rafael,
developed by France.

The most likely candidate is the F-22. The US Air Force has
already introduced this model, and the US government is also
enthusiastically driving sales promotion for it toward foreign
governments. The problem, however, is its price. The F-22 is
expensive even for US military specs as it is priced at 15
billion yen per unit. In the past, the Defense Agency have had
domestic aircraft manufacturers reproduce US-developed fighter
jets under license. If Japan chooses licensed production for the
F-22 as well, its unit cost is deemed certain to skyrocket to
nearly 30 billion yen.

The F-4's unit cost is 1.7 billion yen. Even the F-2-reportedly
the world's most expensive fighter-is priced at 13 billion yen.
However, the unit cost is said to go down with mass production.
As it stands, all eyes were riveted on the F-15-another mainstay
fighter model currently in the ASDF's employ-over whether or when
it will be mothballed.

The ASDF's F-15 fighters can be broken down into two types. One
is the MSIP (for multi-stage improvement programme),and the
other is pre-MSIP. The F-15 of the MSIP type is an advanced
model, which is loaded with digitalized firearms control systems.
About 90 of the ASDF's F-15 fighters are of this MSIP type. The
ASDF, meanwhile, has another version of the F-15, which is of the
pre-MSIP type. The F-15 of this version is an older model that is
equipped with analog systems. About 110 of the ASDF's F-15s are
of this pre-MSIP type. The ASDF is now in the process of
renovating and modernizing each F-15 fighter of the MSIP type by
replacing its radar and arithmetic unit. This renovation costs an
investment of 5 billion yen for each F-15 jet of the MSIP type.

In the case of upgrading the F-15 fighter jets of the pre-MSIP
type, the first necessary step is to digitalize their systems for
MSIP compatibility. This will require a huge amount of money, so
the pre-MSIP fighters have been left unattended without being
renovated. Consequently, the pre-MSIP F-15s are falling behind
the MSIP F-15s in performance.

"The F-15's pre-MSIP system is old and will end its shelf-life in
time," one ASDF official noted. This official also said, "The F-4
fighters and the pre-MSIP fighters total about 200." He presumed
the F-22's price would go down with mass production if both the F-
4 fighters and the pre-MSIP fighters were replaced with the F-22.
The ASDF "is even more likely to introduce the F-22." In the case
of choosing to replace the F-4s only, the FA-18 will have an
advantage because its price is lower and estimated at
approximately 8 billion yen.

The F-22 is a state-of-the-art hypersonic fighter jet that
cruises faster than the speed of sound. Meanwhile, the FA-18E/F
is deployed to the US Navy's Atsugi base for a carrier-based
wing. Its design concept is old, but its reliability is high. One
ASDF staff officer said, "In the process of screening FSX
candidate models, we'll have to consider various factors,
including the future of the pre-MSIP fighters."

(4) Kasumigaseki confidential: Leadership struggle among security

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affairs officials

BUNGEI SHUNJU (Page 235) (Full)
May 2006

The Japanese government's response to the issue of realigning the
US forces in Japan has highlighted a nasty leadership struggle
among Defense Agency officials, who do not seem to care about
national interests.

It is said that Administrative Vice Defense Minister Takemasa
Moriya (joined the Defense Agency (JDA) in 1971),who has been
serving in his post for about two years and six months, will be
retained in this summer's personnel reshuffle, having earned
enormous trust from Iwao Iijima, Prime Minister Junichiro
Koizumi's private secretary. Moriya at his own has replaced
officials one after the other, including Defense Facilities
Administrative Agency (DFAA) Director General Shoei Yamanaka and
Defense Policy Bureau chief Senri Yamauchi. There is no one at
JDA who can stop Moriya.

When negotiations on the relocation of the US Marine Corps'
Futenma Air Station to Nago City deadlocked between the central
government and the local government, senior Foreign Ministry
officials, having lost this initiative to the Defense Agency,
spoke behind Moriya's back:

"Moriya bears full responsibility for the negotiations. He must
go to the United States to break an impasse on the talks. He will
probably not be able to do so because he can't speak English."

A series of bid-rigging scandals involving DFAA officials
prompted a personnel change battle in the agency. An anti-Moriya
group had links to the Foreign Ministry.

Since the Defense Policy Bureau is not allowed to take a neutral
position, Director General Kazuo Ofuru, who wants to become next
vice minister, supports Moriya. Administrative Vice Foreign
Minister Shotaro Yachi, who was criticized by Iijima during his
tenure as assistant deputy chief cabinet secretary, and North
American Affairs Bureau Director General Chikao Kawai have
remained spectators.

Iijima, who has long been critical about the Foreign Ministry,
backed Moriya. The battle between Moriya and anti-Moriya defense
officials and the confrontation between Moriya and the Foreign
Ministry thus involved the Prime Minister's Official Residence,
as well. As a result, the Bush administration found out the power
struggle. Ambassador to the US Ryozo Kato, who should be serving
as a bridge between Tokyo and Washington, was unable to take
appropriate measures to cap it, even though he has a channel of
communication to Iijima.

The Koizumi cabinet in its final months has revealed that an
uncontrollable situation exists regarding Japan's security
policy, the basis of Japanese diplomacy.

(5) LDP presidency in 2006: Interview with General Council
Chairman Kyuma

MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full)
April 13, 2006


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Questioner: What do you think will become the main issues in the
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) presidential election?

Kyuma: Usually there are no major issues in an LDP presidential
race. Yet, the focus is now unnecessarily on the Yasukuni Shrine
issue. I think it's not good to choose the prime minister based
on such an issue in considering future elections.

Questioner: Don't you think the next LDP leader should do
something to repair strained Japan-China relations?

Kyuma: Japan should do something before it has to be told what to
do by China. My personal view is that it is wrong that Yasukuni
Shrine has enshrined former Prime Minister Hideki Tojo and other
leaders who carried out the war together with drafted soldiers
who died in the war. The government should tell the shrine to
separately enshrine Tojo and others from the war dead. I think
unless Yasukuni accepts separate enshrinement, the government
should not allow cabinet members to formally visit that Shinto
shrine. If the government so acts, the prime minister would be
able to say to China, "You shouldn't meddle in our internal
affairs."

Questioner: Do you think the next prime minister should deal with
the Yasukuni issue on his own in order to find ways to resolve
it?

Kyuma: Yes, I think so. The next prime minister should work out
(measures to resolve the issue).

Questioner: In that sense, who do you think is the most suitable
person to be a successor to Prime Minister Koizumi?

Kyuma: I don't know because candidates in order to win elections
tend to take different views. Among the members of the Tsushima
faction, to which I belong, there are members who have close ties
with Chief Cabinet Secretary Shinzo Abe. A faction is a tool for
political battles. Factions are made up of lawmakers who may not
subscribe to the same policies. Candidates do not compete with
each other on policy in the presidential race. The race is just a
power struggle.

Questioner: Do you think the faction system will operate in the
upcoming leadership race?

Kyuma: I don't think so. (Even if a faction decides its own
candidate) and if that candidate is likely be defeated, faction
members will not necessarily vote for that candidate. I think we
have learned that we must back the right candidate under the
single-seat constituency election system.

Questioner: Some observers think that since factions always bet
on the winning horse, they will back Mr. Abe in the end.

Kyuma: It is not necessarily so. It is not that simple. Everybody
thinks Mr. Abe is the most likely candidate, but is that really
true? Mr. Abe should not just surround himself with only persons
supporting him but with other people as well. Otherwise, he won't
be able to win the race.

Questioner: What's your assessment of the other competent
candidate, Mr. Yasuo Fukuda?



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remains wary. The US had insisted that the inclusion of vertebral
columns were a unique case involving only the meat packers that
shipped the products in question. However, the MHLW strongly
insisted on the need to inspect the remaining 30 plus meat
processing plants and has succeeded in having the US accept the
request.

The reinspections of authorized meat packers will likely take at
least two weeks. US Deputy Under Secretary of Agriculture Chuck
Lambert takes the position, "The two countries have reached a
final settlement on additional measures." The MHLW has, however,
checked this stance with a senior official noting: "We cannot
proceed unless the results of inspections are satisfactory. It is
premature to discuss a timeline to resume beef imports now."

This official's stance is based on this notion: "In terms of
probability theory, it is impossible to completely prevent the
incident like the one that occurred last time. The international
rule is that exporting countries are responsible for safety
measures. It is not acceptable if Japan is regarded as being
equally guilty to the US."

However, there is no wary atmosphere at the Prime Minister's
Official Residence (Kantei) like late last year, when the
resumption of US beef imports was decided after a hiatus of two
years.

Prime Minister Koizumi gave this reply at a meeting of the Lower
House Special Committee on Administrative Reform on April 13: "If
you were in the American people's shoes, you would think US beef
is safe, because Americans eat beef every day, more than Japanese
do. You would complain why don't Japanese eat US beef, which is
so safe."

Though he later added, "My position is that I want the US to
observe Japanese standards, if it wants to export its beef to
Japan," his statement indicated his stance of searching for a
timetable for reinstating the beef trade.

The prime minister is expected to visit the US, when bilateral
relations are fraught with various pending issues, such as USFJ
realignment and the Iraq issue. Some officials at the Kantei take
the view that it should undertake coordination of the views of
MAFF and the MHLW over the beef issue as well.

However, a hasty resumption of beef imports could incur
objections from consumers. Toshiko Kaneko, chief of the
secretariat of the National Liaison Committee of Consumers'

SIPDIS
Organizations, expressed concern: "Behind the background of the
current problem is sloppiness in responses from both Tokyo and
Washington. It is necessary for them to explain matters in a
manner acceptable to the people, instead of simply saying, 'We
want consumers to trust us.' If they make the same mistake again,
trust in food safety will be lost."

(8) Future course of Food Safety Commission - Interview with
Nobuko Hisawa, external director of Snow Brand Milk Products Co.:
Need to help consumers understand experts

ASAHI (Page 15) (Full)
April 14, 2006

Six members of the Food Safety Commission (FSC) resigned

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recently. They must have had their respective reasons, but I
think the number is fairly large. All of them were calling for
caution in resuming US beef imports. Given this, consumer
confidence in the FSC may have been undermined.

Through news reports, though, I felt the members were
dissatisfied with the panel's evaluation results regarding the
BSE risk of US beef prior to Japan's resumption of imports last
December.

I was skeptical of the fact that the government had asked the FSC
to deliberate on the safety of US beef, even though scientific
data on US safeguard measures had not been fully collected yet. I
thought that the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries
and the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare should judge
whether to resume imports or not. Even so, if the ministries had
independently made a decision on the BSE issue, in which the
public is highly interested, they would have come under heavy
fire. I felt sorry for the panel members because they had to work
based on insufficient information.

In my view, the uproar over their resignation was attributed
mainly to a lack of understanding among the public of the roles
shared by the food panel, which is tasked with assessing the risk
of food on a scientific basis, and the ministries, which make
policy judgments based on the assessment.

This January, Japan imposed a second ban on US beef imports in
reaction to the discovery of a specified risk material in a US
veal shipment to Japan. On that occasion, government officials
and politicians made remarks taken as calling for pressing the
responsibility on the FSC or sounding as if the food panel had
decided to resume imports.

The resignation of six members is somewhat incomprehensible. The
report released by the FSC last December reflected these members'
views, too. They said: "It is impossible to make a scientific
assessment due to a lack of data," and, "It is necessary to
clarify the responsibility of the FSC and the government offices
responsible for implementing policies." Given this, I believe the
government did not use their views, so it is hard for me to
understand why they had to resign.

Most consumers neither read the report nor are informed of the
details of their resignation, so they thought the six members had
quarreled with the rest and left the group. Such a situation is
truly regrettable now that the FSC - set up in 2003 - has
achieved satisfactory results. Labeling the new members replacing
the six as siding with the government is also irrational.

In the mid-1970s, I began to have an interest in food safety out
of concern about food addictives. Since then, I have joined
activities by consumer cooperatives, but it was difficult to
obtain information related to the risk of food for a long period
of time.

Since the FSC was established under the Basic Food Safety Law,
discussions have been conducted openly, and even data
disadvantageous to the industry have been disclosed. This might
be a dream-like event for those who know much about Japan's
conventional regulations on food safety. High expectations have
been placed on the recent deregulatory moves.


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In order to win consumer confidence, the committee should
exchange information with consumers. The panel has put its energy
in strengthening the risk-communication system to inform persons
concerned of risk-assessment results. Panel members have also
been carrying out activities in earnest, such as making speeches
in various locations across the nation.

To provide consumers with special scientific knowledge,
(technical) skills are necessary. More staff might be needed to
give detailed information to consumers in an understandable way.

We consumers probably should not watch the recent resignation
drama just out of curiosity. We should become more aware of the
need to understand the domestic situation and the system related
to food safety.

(9) A visit to Yasukuni Shrine's war memorial museum Yushukan: A
documentary film depicts the war as a "war of survival and self-
defense"

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full)
April 17, 2006

By Yuji Shinogase

The war memorial museum Yushukan is located at Yasukuni Shrine at
Kudan, Tokyo. This museum has come under criticism at home and
abroad as a facility that justifies Japan's war of aggression.
What does Yushukan display and how? I visited there ahead of the
shrine's spring festival, which starts on April 21.

Yushukan is a five-minute walk from the Torii gateway on the
approach to Yasukuni Shrine.

When I entered Yushunan, I saw young couples and others trying to
take pictures of the zero fighter displayed in the lobby with
their mobile phones.

I first went to the audio-visual room and watched the documentary
film, We Will Never Forget: Thankfulness, Prayer, and Pride.

The film recalls the efforts Japan made after the Meiji
Restoration in 1868 not to be colonized by Western powers.

The narration of the film explains how the Pacific War started:
"There are some who say that Japan had the choice of abandoning
its interests and returning to what it was prior to the Sino-
Japanese War of 1894-95. But this would be the same as losing a
war without having fought one, so Japan did not have this
option." The narration ends by concluding: "It was a war of
survival and self-defense in which a tiny nation in the Far East,
Japan, rose up against the great powers."

After the movie, an elderly woman wiped away tears with a
handkerchief, saying: "I don't know why, but tears come to my
eyes."

In the exhibition room, photo panels and items related to the
military are displayed to from the wars that Japan fought in
chronological order from ancient times to the modern era.

In the room dedicated to the Sino-Japanese War of 1937-45, the
war is described thusly: "A insignificant incident at the Marco

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Polo Bridge led to illegal attacks by the Chinese regular army,
which eventually led to the North China Incident (Sino-Japanese
War of 1937-45). Behind this lay a determination on the Chinese
side to reject peace with Japan."

In the Greater East Asia War (Pacific War) room, the reason for
the start the war is described: "The final choice remaining for
(US) President Roosevelt was to drive a resource-poor country,
Japan, into a corner through an embargo on trade and force it to
go to war." Meanwhile, Japan's position is described in this way:
"As part of the efforts to improve relations with the US, the
(Fumimaro) Konoe cabinet decided to sign the Tripartite Pact
(Japan, Germany, and Italy) and adopted a policy to intimidate
the US in order to avoid a war with it."

In the Deities of Yasukuni room, photographs of the war dead and
notes left behind by them are on display. A young woman stood in
front of a farewell note written by Lt. Commander Masataka
Furukawa, who flew on a suicide mission. The note goes: "We young
men participate in the war because we hate the war. We hope many
people understand the pure sentiments of such young men like us
who are going to fight."

There are some 5,000 photographs of the deceased, including one
of former Prime Minister Hideki Tojo, who was sentenced to death
as a Class-A war criminal. In it, he is described as General,
Lord Hideki Tojo. Next to him is the photo of a young Army
sergeant.

There is a notebook where guests can leave their impressions of
their visit to Yushukan. Pros and cons of the war were written in
the notebook. A 13-year-old visitor wrote: "Japan has been
portrayed as `evil' because it lost the Greater East Asia War.
The Japan at the time was great." A 48-year-old visitor, however,
wrote: "There was a great deal of discrimination against other
Asians at the time, but there is no mention of that here. This is
very self-serving."

Yushukan: Built in 1882 to honor and venerate the souls of
deceased persons and teach the modern history of Japan. After the
Pacific War, was renamed the Yasukuni Shrine Treasury Museum and
was again changed in 1986 to Yushukan. Two-story building is used
for display and has an area of about 11,200 m2. Excluding photos
of the deceased, has some 3,000 items on display, such as
farewell notes, drawings, and weapons. Name of the building is
derived from Chinese philosopher Xun Zi and means "to learn from
people of high integrity through exchanges."

SCHIEFFER