Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
06TOKYO1978
2006-04-12 08:31:00
UNCLASSIFIED
Embassy Tokyo
Cable title:  

DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 04/12/06-2

Tags:  OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA 
pdf how-to read a cable
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PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
DE RUEHKO #1978/01 1020831
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 120831Z APR 06
FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 0856
INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
RHEHAAA/THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC//J5//
RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI
RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//
RHMFIUU/COMUSJAPAN YOKOTA AB JA//J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/COMPATWING ONE KAMI SEYA JA
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 8293
RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 5658
RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 8834
RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 5653
RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 6840
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 1692
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 7862
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 9765
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 07 TOKYO 001978

SIPDIS

SIPDIS

DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST
DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS
OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN,
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY
ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA.

E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 04/12/06-2


INDEX:

(8) Interview with Minshuto President Ichiro Ozawa

(9) Destruction and creation; Ozawa-led DPJ gets under way; Ozawa
vs. Koizumi; Followed similar reform-oriented courses;
Competition for redefinition of conservatism

(10) Editorial: Has new DPJ President Ozawa really changed?

(11) Yasuo Saito named ambassador to Russia

(12) Editorial: Revised basic environment plan rich in content
but hard to understand

ARTICLES:

(8) Interview with Minshuto President Ichiro Ozawa

MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full)
April 11, 2006

Questioner: Do you think the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) has
changed?

Ozawa: I think the LDP is on its way to destruction. The LDP has
not changed in a very real sense. For example, despite what it
said about unnecessary highways not being built anymore in
reforming the Japan Highway Public Corporation, it has now been
decided that all planned all highways will be built. The LDP does
things as the bureaucrats say. Although postal services have been
changed to a state-owned postal corporation, it is phony.

Questioner: Don't you think Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi has
been doing what the LDP's supporters do not want?

Ozawa: The LDP's support base has already been weakened, since
the postwar political structure is in the process of destruction.
Prime Minister Koizumi is wise because he expounded that point.
He knew that the party could not increase votes even if it
counted on (its support base).

Questioner: You said that Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan)
would force the ruling coalition to become a minority in next
year's House of Councillors' elections. How will you work on

specific measures, including the selection of candidates?

Ozawa: I will do it myself. My role is to consolidate the
organization and to select candidates (for next year's Upper
House election). We have to overturn the situation and win in the
single-seat constituencies that are up for reelection.

Questioner: Do you plan to cooperate with the Japanese Communist
Party to fight against the ruling coalition parties?

Ozawa: My party will not compete with the JCP but with the ruling
coalition parties.

Questioner: How will you forge an electoral alliance with the
JCP?

Ozawa: It'll be very difficult. I have told (the JCP) that it's
no use fighting elections as a single party. However, since the

TOKYO 00001978 002 OF 007


JCP will be fighting against the LDP and New Komeito, we should
not exclude the JCP from an electoral alliance. The question is
whether we, opposition parties can obtain a majority of the Diet
seats. If we do our best, it will be possible to reduce the
number of seats to be obtained by the LDP to below 50 seats.

Questioner: How about election cooperation with the Social
Democratic Party?

Ozawa: We will discuss the matter with the SDP as well because
Mr. Takahiro Yokomichi's group, whose members came from the
former Social Democratic Party, has agreed on (the party's
constitutional reform and security policy). The SDP should agree
on those issues with Minshuto.

Questioner: The House of Representatives Special Committee on
Administrative Reform is now discussing a bill promoting
administrative reform. Do you plan to take the floor as a
questioner?

Ozawa: I don't think so. That is because debate on the bill with
no substance is meaningless.

Questioner: So, will the first round of the bout between you and
the prime minister take place at a party-heads debate?

Ozawa: I guess so.

Questioner: When you headed Shinshinto (New Frontier Party),you
and Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto engaged in a heated debate
about the role of the prime minister.

Ozawa: Don't you remember I also had a one-on-one debate with Mr.
Koizumi? However, he did not respond to my questions sincerely,
talking about matters that had nothing to do with my questions. I
would like to lock horns with him, but I cannot engage in such a
battle of words with him.

Questioner: What do you want to ask the prime minister at first?

Ozawa: I have no idea.

Questioner: Mr. Seiji Maehara, your predecessor, stated China as
a threat to Japan.

Ozawa: Even Prime Minister Koizumi has not use the word "threat."
When a politician says " threat," that means a threat to the
Japanese people. If you say "threat," then you will have to
remove that threat. Therefore, the prime minister does not say
so.

Questioner: In order to make clear the distinction of your
party's position from the LDP, do you plan to iron out
differences of opinions within the party by September and to run
in the September presidential race backed by that achievement?

Ozawa: We should hasten that work, but the Diet is now in
session. I think a party consensus should be reached until the
leadership race since interest in the issue will boost in the
party at that time.

(9) Destruction and creation; Ozawa-led DPJ gets under way; Ozawa
vs. Koizumi; Followed similar reform-oriented courses;

TOKYO 00001978 003 OF 007


Competition for redefinition of conservatism

ASAHI (Page 4) (Excerpts)
April 11, 2006

Formation of YKK trio

Prime Minister Koizumi in 1991 formed the YKK trio along with
former Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) Secretary General Koichi
Kato and former LDP Vice President Taku Yamasaki. The move was
intended to counter the strong-armed stance of Ozawa, who as
secretary general was dominating the party as he pleased.

SIPDIS

Fifteen years have passed since then. Ozawa is now on center
stage of politics for the first time in about eight years as the
head of the top opposition party the Democratic Party of Japan
(Minshuto or DPJ) and will soon come up against Koizumi, who has
headed the third longest government in the postwar period.

Ozawa devoted himself intensely to the adoption of the single-
seat constituency system, and it was Prime Minister Koizumi who
benefited most from it. Koizumi won a landslide victory in last
year's election campaigning on the issue of postal privatization.
By a curious irony of chance, Koizumi, who was against the
introduction of such a system, benefited the most. Koizumi has
done away with bureaucratic leadership and implemented
deregulation under the initiative of politicians. The way
politics should be as projected in Ozawa's "Japan Reform
Program," published in 1993, coincides with what the Koizumi
Structural Reform Initiative has aimed for. LDP Diet Policy
Committee Chairman Hiroyuki Hosoda has analyzed: "The concepts of
the prime minister and Ozawa are very similar. I suppose if Ozawa
had taken the reins of government, he would have also privatized
postal services."

Followed similar courses

The two party leaders have followed a similar course. In 1993,
Ozawa tried to break apart the LDP, using a split in the powerful
Takeshita faction as energy to realign political circles and
bring about a change in government. On the other hand, Koizumi,
who became prime minister in 2001, has tried to destroy profit-
distribution-type politics established by the former Tanaka-
Takenaka faction, to which Ozawa once belonged.

Postwar conservative politics adopted social welfare policies,
while advocating liberal principles. Though there were calls for
enacting an independent constitution, politicians have basically
maintained a policy that prioritized the economy, thus letting
the nation to be only lightly armed, citing the pacifist
Constitution. Such politics was unmistakably forced to change due
to the Gulf war in 1990, when Ozawa was serving as LDP secretary
general, or due to the protracted economic slowdown at a time
when Koizumi became prime minister. Ozawa and Koizumi, who are
just in midcourse in their efforts to redefine conservatism, now
lead ruling and opposition parties respectively. The birth of the
Ozawa-led DPJ means that the party will vie with the LDP to
assume the reins of power. It will also compete with the LDP,
including post-Koizumi contenders, in redefining conservatism.

Ozawa noted in a campaign speech for the DPJ presidential race on
April 7: "It is not freedom if only few winners gain. The society
the DPJ aims for is a fair society, in which those who diligently

TOKYO 00001978 004 OF 007


work and make efforts are rewarded."

The notion is slightly different from his original liberal ideas.
The prime minister has brought about major changes to the LDP
over the past five years. A growing number of supporter
organizations are shunning the LDP due to the Koizumi reforms.
The LDP is now shifting its power base to urban areas, which have
provided blocs of votes for the DPJ.

Differences narrowing

Competition between two conservative leaders is bound to narrow
differences between the two major parties. Though this has been
well expected, Ozawa might find it even more difficult to steer
his party. Upper House LDP Secretary General Toranosuke Katayama
said: "If the DPJ claims it can run the government, its policies
must be implementable, which means they will become similar to
those of the LDP. I wonder how the DPJ will come up with
originality." Similar views are being heard also from within the
DPJ.
(10) Editorial: Has new DPJ President Ozawa really changed?

ASAHI (Page 3) (Full)
April 8, 2006

Ichiro Ozawa, who is dubbed a politician taking "a strong-armed
approach" or "a destroyer," was elected as president of the main
opposition party Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan).

Ozawa polled 119 votes to Naoto Kan's 72 in the party election,
in which the DPJ's 191 members from both Diet houses took part.

Ozawa is a veteran politician, who brought about a political
change after leaving the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). He
served in such important LDP posts as secretary general. He knows
the LDP well. He is well versed in election strategy. He is a
high-profile politician.

In the light of these points, no one can rank with Ozawa.
Minshuto suffered a major defeat in last year's House of
Representatives election and the fake email fiasco. Under such
circumstances, there was a strong mood in the main opposition
party to call on Ozawa to become the new party president.

Many in the party, however, are concerned about his reputation
for dictatorial leadership.

Ten years ago, Kan, Yukio Hatoyama and other lawmakers
established the Minshuto in an attempt to fight against the LDP
as well as Ozawa. They felt antipathy toward high-handed
political approaches by Ozawa, who headed the largest opposition
party Shinshinto (New Frontier Party) at the time.

Ozawa disliked holding meetings and meeting the press. Since he
took a strong-armed political approach and top-down political
method, lawmakers, who were said to be his aides, left him one
right after the other. His politics is greatly different from
that of the Minshuto, which aims at forming a network-type
organization that would connect with outside organizations.

Before the presidential race, Ozawa called at the offices of
individual party lawmakers and bowed his head. He pledged in a
campaign speech that he would reform himself in order to bring

TOKYO 00001978 005 OF 007


about a political change. He probably wanted his party members to
see "a new Ozawa."

He must realize his political goals. It would be extremely
difficult to put together a motley collection of politicians from
different parties. He must quickly set up a clear difference with
the huge ruling camp.

The question is whether he can pick appropriate persons as new
party executives in order to form a unanimous party arrangement.

If Ozawa makes the same mistake as when he dissolved the New
Frontier Party, his and his current party's dream of believing
political change is the real structural reform will go up in
smoke. If so, Japanese politics that must make a government
change a normal course would suffer a serious setback.

Over the last five years, four Minshuto heads quit their post
without completing their terms. It is undesirable for the largest
opposition party to change heads so fast in such a short time.

Ozawa's presidential term runs until September, the remaining
term of Seiji Maehara. In the fall, the Minshuto will conduct
another presidential election, participated also by party members
and supporters.

Ozawa should take the lead in actively conducting debate during
his tenure. He must give body and substance to his policy vision,
such as co-existence, a fair country and strengthening Asia
policy, and bring them all together.

Whether Ozawa has really changed will be seen over the next six
months.

(11) Yasuo Saito named ambassador to Russia

SANKEI (Page 5) (Full)
April 12, 2006

The government decided yesterday at a cabinet meeting to appoint
Yasuo Saito, ambassador to Saudi Arabia, as ambassador to Russia
effective April 11. Saito replaces Issei Nomura, who has recently
assumed the post of grand master of the Crown Prince's Household.
It also appointed other ambassadors, effective April 12.

Ambassador to Russia Yasuo Saito: Left the University of Tokyo in
mid-course; entered the Foreign Ministry in 1971; served as
ambassador Saudi Arabia since May 2003, after serving in such
posts as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to
France, and director general of the European Affairs Bureau; age
58; born in Okayama Prefecture.

Ambassador to South Africa Akihiko Furuya: Graduated from the
University of Tokyo; joined the Foreign Ministry in 1970; served
as senior executive director of the Japan Bank for International
Cooperation since November 2002, after serving as minister at the
delegation of Japan to the Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development (OECD) and ambassador to Senegal; age 59; native
of Tokyo.

Ambassador to Bangladesh Masayuki Inoue: Graduated from Chuo
University in 1974; joined the Education Ministry in 1974; served
as director general for international science and technology

TOKYO 00001978 006 OF 007


affairs since July 2004, after serving as deputy director general
of the Science and Technology Policy Bureau; age 57; native of
Tokyo.

Ambassador to Mozambique Tatsuya Miki: Graduated from Osaka
University of Foreign Studies; entered the Foreign Ministry in
1967; served as consul general in Hamburg since August 2003,
after serving as councilor and consul of the embassy in South
Africa; age 62; native of Osaka.

(12) Editorial: Revised basic environment plan rich in content
but hard to understand

SANKEI (Page 2) (Full)
April 12, 2006

The third basic environment plan has been finalized. The first
version was produced in 1994, and since then, the plan, laid down
based on the Basic Environment Law, has been used as the basis
for the government to work out environment policy.

The Kyoto Protocol, which requires industrialized countries to
reduce greenhouse gas emissions, came into effect in February of
last year. Since then, the challenge of environment protection
has become more important. We welcome the production of the new
basic plan at such a time.

The revised basic plan aims to establish a mechanism toward
"integrated improvements of the environment, the economy, and the
society." Under the new plan, even if economic size and
activities expand, an additional load will not be applied to the
environment due to the enhanced eco-efficiency of various
systems.

The new plan also aims to revitalize the economy by creating eco-
friendly technologies and products, as well as to link local
communities to each other through environment-protection
activities.

Such a positive grand design is presented in the new basic
environment plan. The point of its attention is also fresh.

Regarding coexistence between nature and humans, for instance,
the plan turns its attention to the role played by rice paddies
and undeveloped natural woodlands near populated areas and
stresses the need to maintain and develop the agriculture,
forestry, and fisheries industries. This stance can be favorably
accepted.

The new plan also includes policy programs for 10 strategic
fields that should be addressed on a priority basis, such as the
air, the water, and chemical agents. Further, the plan presents
goals and numerical indicators in every program. These indicators
should make annual assessments much easier.

The revised plan thus is considerably rich in content. However,
there are two problems. First, it is hard to understand due to
sentences full of bureaucratese. Efforts are needed to make it
more understandable for the people by shortening sentences and
other devices.

Environmental problems will not be settled only with efforts by
the government and corporations. The people's engagement is also

TOKYO 00001978 007 OF 007


indispensable. A message that cannot reach a majority of the
people is meaningless.

It might be necessary to produce a separate volume intended for
the general public. In such an edition, it would be desirable to
include unique ideas or proposals presented at public hearings.

As another problem, the new plan lacks a sense of alarm toward
the environment. Although environmental problems must be urgently
tackled, the plan fails to deliver "urgency" to the readers.
Unless the people tackle the problems, the situation will never
be improved.

SCHIEFFER