DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 04/10/06

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 07 TOKYO 001953

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SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 04/10/06


INDEX:

(1) Editorial: Agreed plan for Futenma relocation not a
fundamental solution; Danger still left behind

(2) Editorial: Listen to Okinawa residents' views on Futenma
relocation issue

(3) Editorial - Futenma relocation: Okinawa still left in anguish

(4) Editorial: Difficult road ahead for Ozawa-led Minshuto

ARTICLES:

(1) Editorial: Agreed plan for Futenma relocation not a
fundamental solution; Danger still left behind

RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 5) (Full)
April 8, 2006

The city of Nago (in Okinawa Prefecture) and the government have
now concurred on a remodified plan to build an alternative
facility in the city's coastal area to take over the heliport
functions of the US Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station. Nago and
Tokyo were wide apart in their respective stances over Futenma
relocation, with the city insisting on variations to the previous
offshore heliport installation plan and the government prevailing
on the city to accept some minor changes to the current coastal
relocation plan. However, the two sides have bridged the gulf
with a government proposal to lay down a V-shaped pair of
airstrips on the newly planned airfield for Futenma. The mayor of
Nago City will account for the agreed plan to the city's
population and ask for their understanding when he returns from
Tokyo.

The Futenma relocation issue has now entered a new phase with the
concurrence between Nago and Tokyo. However, there is still
something unconvincing to us. That is because we cannot but feel
that the Nago mayor, in the end, was trapped by the government's
tactic of trivializing its talks with the mayor into bargaining
intended to qualify the plan with some slim modifications to
build the Futenma alternative in a coastal area of Camp Schwab
across the cape of Henoko in Nago.

In its talks with Nago, the government made a proposal to build
two runways. This overture was the kiss of life for Tokyo. Nago
called for the government to avoid setting up the flight paths of
US warplanes over the city's local community areas of Henoko,
Toyohara, and Abu. It will now be possible to do so with two
airstrips to be laid down in a V-shape. US warplanes are supposed
to use the two tarmacs in their landing approach and takeoff
roll, depending on the wind direction. Indeed, this would help
avoid flying over the city's residential areas. However, their
flight paths close in on the coastline near the community of
Matsuda. The flight paths set for US military aircraft are off
the city's populated areas but close to its coastal land areas
near the area of Abu.

In many cases, aircraft trouble is unpredictable. We therefore
cannot say the city's local communities are completely free from
danger. Whatever steps the government may take, local residents
will have to constantly shoulder the risk of aircraft accidents
if a military base is contiguous to their communities. We assume

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that the Nago mayor reached the agreement with an understanding
of such a risk. The mayor, as well as the government that has
pushed for the relocation plan, will therefore have to be
prepared to be liable in part for any accident should it occur.

At first, Nago insisted on substantial changes to the
government's coastal relocation plan. In October last year, Japan
and the United States agreed to build a Futenma replacement
facility in a coastal area of Camp Schwab. However, Nago called
for it to be moved to an offshore site more than 400 meters away
from that coastal location. For one thing, the mayor was
concerned about safety. For another, he considered noise
pollution. When it comes to safety, the mayor may think he can
now clear the problem by changing the direction of the planned
airstrips. However, the question is what to do about noise
pollution. In addition, environmental preservation has now become
a matter of major concern with the Henoko offing airstrip
installation plan in place. We wonder if the mayor can resolve
this problem.

Furthermore, Okinawa Prefecture's Governor Inamine has clarified
that the Okinawa prefectural government will continue to uphold
its stance even after the agreement this time.

In November 1999, Inamine, who became governor in 1998,
designated an area in waters off the coast of Henoko in the city
of Nago for Futenma relocation. In those days, the governor, for
his acceptance of Futenma relocation to Nago, made it a
precondition to build a dual-purpose airport for joint military
and civilian use and to set a 15-year time limit on the US
military's use of that sea-based facility in order to prevent it
from becoming permanent. Based on those preconditions, Okinawa
Prefecture worked out a basic plan together with Tokyo and Nago
for the construction of a dual-use airport. Can we take it that
these two preconditions have now been completely scrapped with
the agreement reached this time on the government's remodified
plan?

If they answer that question in the affirmative, it then means
that Nago will lose the powerful brake that could prevent the
base from becoming permanent. The agreement signed yesterday also
has no mention of limits. We wonder if the residents of Nago
City, neighboring municipalities, and Okinawa Prefecture will
accept the construction of an additional permanent base.

This time around, we must not forget that the greater part of
Okinawa Prefecture's population wants Futenma airfield to be
moved out of Okinawa Prefecture or Japan.

The government has replaced the Henoko offshore installation plan
with the coastal relocation plan. Tokyo and Nago played a tug of
war over modifications to the proposed coastal relocation plan.
As a result, relocation to the Henoko area was feasible. It was a
categorical imperative for talks between Tokyo and Nago on
everything.

The matter of primary concern to us should be what to do about US
military bases in Okinawa and how to get rid of danger deriving
from their presence.

As Ginowan Mayor Yoichi Iha has also noted, the relocation of
Futenma airfield to Henoko's coastal area only transplants the
Futenma problem to this island prefecture's northern part. US

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warplanes may avoid flying over residential areas. Even so,
danger will encroach on local communities around the relocation
site. This, at least, is an indisputable fact.

We also wonder if the government has seriously considered the
option of moving Futenma airfield out of Okinawa Prefecture or
otherwise out of Japan. This time, the government was tenacious
in its talks with Nago City. We wonder if the government could
not show such a tenacious stance (to the US) toward relocating
Futenma airfield to a site outside Okinawa Prefecture or Japan.

People living in the Henoko area may take it for granted that the
government has chosen to risk their lives while waving pork-
barrel largesse and other tasty carrots at them. This cannot be
convincing to them no matter how much the government emphasizes
that the choice is for the sake of Japan's national defense.

The Futenma replacement facility, should it be built in
accordance with the agreement, will be permanent through future
generations. Is that really all right? We want to raise this
question once again.

(2) Editorial: Listen to Okinawa residents' views on Futenma
relocation issue

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 5) (Full)
April 11, 2006

The central government and the Nago municipal government have
finally reached an agreement on relocating the US Marine Corps'
Futenma Air Station. But Okinawa Governor Keiichi Inamine has
opposed the agreed plan, probably reflecting public opinion in
the prefecture. Taking his opposition seriously, the government
should persistently continue discussion with the Okinawa
government.

Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi said yesterday: "I would like to
have a heart-to-heart talk with the governor in due course,"
revealing his willingness to try to persuade Inamine. However,
the prime minister's lack of eagerness toward the Okinawa issue
is one of the reasons for making Inamine distrustful of the
government. Should the prime minister pokes his nose in the
matter now, the situation might become more complicated.

The modified plan agreed on between the central and Nago
municipal governments on April 7 proposes constructing two
runways in a V-shape to prevent US military aircraft from flying
over residential areas by using one for landings and the other
for takeoffs. The government worked out this measure in response
to a call from Nago.

Nonetheless, the agreement is just a product of compromise
between the central government, which has no intention to accept
any major changes, and the Nago government, which called for
moving the newly planned runway to an offshore site 400 meters
away from the coastal area. There are still problems, remaining
to be resolved.

First is the safety problem. Although the plan avoids setting up
flight paths over residential areas, there are places where
aircraft will buzz the ground. The government has yet to work out
safety measures. There are also serious concerns about noise
pollution.

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Another concern is about environmental problems. Giving
consideration to environmental protection, the government
proposed in its plan last fall minimizing the site of
reclamation. Under the revised plan, though, severe environmental
destructions could be caused due to an extensive reclamation site
as a result of building an additional runway in a coastal area of
Camp Schwab. In this sense, it might be quite natural for
residents to react fiercely to the revised plan.

Okinawa residents have been calling for a plan to move US
military bases from Okinawa to somewhere in Japan or in other
countries. The governor's opposition to the new plan reflects
popular sentiments in the prefecture, rather than his wish to
save his face.

The central government must not make light of the governor's
opposition. If it incorporates the Camp Schwab plan in a final
report on US force realignment without obtaining understanding
from local communities, the government will come under heavy fire
again.

Should the government decide to enact a law that would transfer
authority on land reclamation from the prefectural governor to
the central government on the pretext of the agreement between
the central and Nago governments, Okinawa residents will
undoubtedly explode with anger. In response, anti-base movements
might break out in areas housing US military bases across the
nation.

It is an urgent task, though, to relocate the Futenma heliport
functions surrounded by densely populated residential areas.
Although 10 years have passed since Japan and the US agreed to
relocate the airfield, the residents are still living in the face
of the danger posed from low-altitude flights.

Of the most importance is to ensure the safety of the residents.
If a meeting between Prime Minister Koizumi and Governor Inamine
is arranged, Koizumi should not take the stance of giving
priority only to the Japan-US alliance, while Inamine also should
not hold on to the conditions he attached when he accepted the
initial Henoko plan. Both sides are expected to hold a heart-to-
heart discussion in a cool-headed manner.

(3) Editorial - Futenma relocation: Okinawa still left in anguish

ASAHI (Page 3) (Full)
April 9, 2006

Nago City has accepted the central government's revision to the
current (coastal) plan for relocating the US Marine Corps'
Futenma Air Station to Cape Henoko of Nago City.

Under the revised plan, two runways will be constructed in a V-
shape, and they will be used for taking off and landing. The
revised plan has some contrivances to meet Nago City's call not
to allow US military aircraft to fly over residential areas.

The central government intends to put the revision this time in a
final report it will shortly present, but it is not safe to say
that the relocation to Nago City will go smoothly.

Okinawa Prefecture still remains opposed to the coastal plan.

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Following the agreement this time between Nago City and the
central government, Gov. Keiichi Inamine met with Defense Agency
(JDA) Director-General Nukaga. In the meeting, Inamine renewed
his determination not to accept any other plan but the previous
plan to relocate the airfield to a site off Henoko.

As a relocation site for Futenma airfield, a site off Henoko was
initially planned. However, opponents to the plan staged
demonstrations at sea against construction work. Last year, the
Japanese and US governments altered the plan and chose Cape
Henoko as a new relocation site because the site is accessible by
land. This change, however, will increase chances of residents
being exposed to danger and the impact of noise pollution.

For Inamine, the major difference between these two plans is that
he accepted the offshore plan premised on limiting the US
military's use of a new facility to 15 years and building it as
an airport for joint military and civilian use.

Afterwards, the Japanese and US governments agreed to relocate
the airfield to Cape Henoko, ignoring such conditions. Inamine is
therefore distrustful of both the Japanese and US governments,
which decided on the relocation site, disregarding the
prefecture's desire.

The central government is well aware that the relocation process
will not advance without the governor's consent. Even if an
alternate facility is constructed on Cape Henoko, an area
accessible by land, it would be unavoidable to reclaim land from
the sea. Authorization on reclamation is held by the governor.

At one point in the past, an idea was floated of enacting a law
designed to deprive the governor of such an authorization. But if
that were to be done, it would only fuel the flame of objections
from the Okinawa prefectural government and its people to the
central government.

If the central government were to be serious about relocating
Futenma airfield, it should strive to dispel Inamine's sense of
distrust. His sentiments are presumably shared among most people
of the prefecture.

A joint poll conducted last fall by the Asahi Shimbun and the
Okinawa Times showed that 72% of the respondents were opposed to
the relocation of the Futenma base to Cape Henoko. Of the
opponents, 84% hoped the base would be relocated to the US
mainland.

More than 60 years have passed since the end of World War II, but
because of the presence of the military facilities, there seems
to be no end to accidents and incidents related to US military
facilities in Okinawa Prefecture. With a vast expanse of land
occupied by the US military in the prefecture, city planning does
not go smoothly. The US military presence has obstructed moves to
start up new businesses. Okinawa is described as being located in
the midst of bases. The anti-base sentiments of residents in
Okinawa are deep-seated in such a reality.

Nonetheless, Nago City has accepted a plan for the construction
of a new military facility that will be the first such facility
since the reversion of Okinawa to Japan. Behind this move is the
earnest desire of the prefectural people to transfer the
dangerous Futenma airfield to somewhere as quickly as possible.

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If the central government failed to pay attention to the anguish
harbored by the Okinawa people, its attempt would only come to a
deadlock.

(4) Editorial: Difficult road ahead for Ozawa-led Minshuto

NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full)
April 8, 2006

Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan) elected Ichiro Ozawa as its
new leader in the election held yesterday. In the party, many
members are allergic to Ozawa, but reflecting the missteps taken
by former party head Seiji Maehara and other junior members in
the leadership, the party charged the veteran lawmakers with the
task of reconstructing his party.

Ozawa said in a policy speech before voting: "We must continue to
purse a two-party system and a change of government for the
people." He indicated a determination to do his best to take the
reins of government. However, it will not be easy for the
opposition party to restore public confidence since it suffered a
crushing defeat in the House of Representatives election last
year and has lost public trust due to a fabricated e-mail
scandal.

The Ozawa Minshuto is urged to map out a strategy to play up its
presence in the latter half of the current Diet session, which
has been conducted under the lead of the ruling parties. A number
of key bills are still on the agenda, including administrative
reform promotion legislation and medical and healthcare system
reform-related bills. It is only natural that the largest
opposition grills the government and the ruling parties on these
issues in the Diet, but it is undesirable for the new leadership
to become a resistant opposition party, like the Japan Socialist
Party (JSP) under the so-called 1955 political structure, in
which the Liberal Democratic Party assumed political power and
the JSP was in the perennial first opposition party. It should
take over Maehara's stance of coming up with counterproposals.

Many party members voted for Ozawa because he reportedly is a
good election campaigning schemer. Although it is necessary to
frequently canvass electoral districts and hold dialogues with
voters, but only with such efforts, it will be difficult to win
broad support, as Ozawa has said. Now that the LDP is about to
broaden its support to attract unaffiliated or young voters,
Minshuto needs to work out maneuvers to win back voters in urban
areas, where Minshuto suffered crushing defeats in the House of
Representatives election last year. The upcoming April 23 by-
election in Chiba 7th District for a Lower House seat will be a
decisive test to forecast the future of the Ozawa leadership.

Ozawa split up Shinshinto (New Frontier Party) and Jiyuto
(Liberal Party),so his image as a "destroyer" is haunting Ozawa.
Some members in Minshuto criticize Ozawa's political style as
dogmatic. In order also to erase such concerns, Ozawa needs to
fulfill his accountability inside and outside the party.

We expect Ozawa to attend party meetings regularly and to express
his views before the press. From his remarks in a press
conference held after his assumption of the party presidency,
however, such enthusiasm was not detected. Ozawa should take the
floor in the Diet to interpellate Prime Minister Junichiro

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Koizumi. Dispatching messages is an indispensable qualification
required of a political party leader. Ozawa has reiterated: "I
also need to change myself." With our trust in his words, we
expect him to change himself.

If a political party elects its new leader, it is natural for all
party members, whether they like the leader or not, to support
that leader. But that is difficult for Minshuto, because the
party is a hodge-podge group. Most lawmakers, excluding close
aides, were uncooperative toward their leaders. Now Minshuto is
at a critical stage, with difficulties lying ahead of the party.
All party members must unite to overcome the crisis.

SCHIEFFER