Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
06TOKYO1490
2006-03-22 08:20:00
UNCLASSIFIED
Embassy Tokyo
Cable title:  

DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 03/22/06

Tags:  OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA 
pdf how-to read a cable
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DE RUEHKO #1490/01 0810820
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 220820Z MAR 06
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TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 0003
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RHEHAAA/THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
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RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/COMPATWING ONE KAMI SEYA JA
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 7879
RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 5247
RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 8394
RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 5263
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RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 7445
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 9399
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 10 TOKYO 001490

SIPDIS

SIPDIS

DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST
DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS
OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN,
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY
ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA.

E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 03/22/06


INDEX:

(1) Poll on Koizumi cabinet, political parties, email fiasco,
post-Koizumi race, Okinawa base issues

(2) Close-up 2006 - Relocation of Futenma: Government trying to
force the coastal relocation plan by making minor changes to it

(3) Editorial: Efforts needed to obtain public understanding for
plan to relocate Marines to Guam

(4) Editorial: Strengthened unity among Japan, US, Australia
imperative for regional stability

(5) Editorial: Australia-Japan-US Strategic Dialogue - Coalition
of the willing needed

(6) Post-Koizumi contenders; Research on Shinzo Abe;
Grandfather's belief, father's trust (Part 2)

(Corrected copy) US military to disperse flight training missions
to 6 mainland bases from Kadena, other bases

ARTICLES:

(1) Poll on Koizumi cabinet, political parties, email fiasco,
post-Koizumi race, Okinawa base issues

ASAHI (Page 4) (Full)
March 21, 2006

Questions & Answers
(Figures shown in percentage, rounded off. Parentheses denote the
results of a survey conducted Feb. 18-19, unless otherwise
specified.)

Q: Do you support the Koizumi cabinet?

Yes 46 (43)
No 38 (41)

Q: Why? (One reason only. Left column for those marking "yes" on
previous question, and right for those saying "no.")

The prime minister is Mr. Koizumi 12 (9) 3 (3)
The prime minister is from the Liberal Democratic Party
7 (7) 3 (3)
From the aspect of policies 15(14) 23(26)
Because of the coalition government 4 (4) 4 (5)

No particular reason 7 (7) 4 (3)

Q: Which political party do you support now?

Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 39 (36)
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 13 (14)
New Komeito (NK) 3 (3)
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 3 (2)
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1 (2)
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0 (0)
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0 (0)
Liberal League (LL or Jiyu Rengo) 0 (0)
None 36 (38)
No answer (N/A) + don't know (D/K) 5 (5)

TOKYO 00001490 002 OF 010



Q: The DPJ's lawmaker, Hisayasu Nagata, offered his apologies for
his unconfirmed citing of a fake email in the Diet to grill the
LDP, saying former Livedoor Co. President Horie actually didn't
email any instructions to send 30 million yen to LDP Secretary
General Takebe's son. Do you think Nagata should quit his Diet
seat to take responsibility for the fiasco?

Yes 59
No 32

Q: The DPJ will elect its new president in September this year.
The DPJ, currently headed by Seiji Maehara, has a number of
heavyweights, such as Ichiro Ozawa, Naoto Kan, and Yukio
Hatoyama. Who do you think is appropriate to serve as DPJ
president for the next term?

Seiji Maehara 14
Ichiro Ozawa 20
Naoto Kan 20
Yukio Hatoyama 17
Others 16

Q: Do you think the DPJ is competent enough to take office?
(Parentheses denote the results of a previous survey conducted
Aug. 15-16, 2005.)

Yes 19 (20)
No 68 (62)

Q: Do you think the nation's economy is now about to improve,
worsen, or remains unchanged? (Parentheses denote the results of
a survey conducted Nov. 26-27, 2005.)

Improve 30 (31)
Worsen 12 (14)
No change 55 (52)

Q: Do you appreciate the Koizumi cabinet's economic and monetary
policies?

Yes 41
No 43

Q: Who do you think is appropriate for post-Koizumi premiership?
Pick only one from among those listed below.

Taro Aso 5
Shinzo Abe 47
Sadakazu Tanigaki 4
Yasuo Fukuda 20
Others 13

Q: Would you like Prime Minister Koizumi's successor to
prioritize improving Japan's ties with China?

Yes 61
No 26

Q: Would you like Japan to maintain its security treaty with the
US?

Yes 74

TOKYO 00001490 003 OF 010


No 14

Q: There's a rise of outcries from among the residents of Nago
City in Okinawa Prefecture, Iwakuni City in Yamaguchi Prefecture,
and other base-hosting municipalities against base or troop
relocation over the realignment of US forces in Japan. Do you
think the government should push ahead with such relocation on
its own responsibility, or do you otherwise think the government
should obtain local consent before doing so?

The government should do so on its own responsibility 27
The government should obtain local consent before doing so 63


Q: The Japanese and US governments are now talking about the idea
of moving about 8,000 US Marines from Okinawa to Guam in order to
stave off Okinawa's base-hosting burden. However, the US has
asked Japan to pay about 900 billion yen or 75% of the estimated
cost of infrastructure construction in Guam. Is this fiscal
burden convincing to you?

Yes 14
No 78

Polling methodology: The survey was conducted March 18-19 over
the telephone on a computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD)
basis. This RDD formula chooses persons for the survey from among
all eligible voters throughout the nation on a three-sage random-
sampling basis. Valid answers were obtained from 1,849 persons
(52%).

(2) Close-up 2006 - Relocation of Futenma: Government trying to
force the coastal relocation plan by making minor changes to it

MAINICHI (Page 3) (Full)
March 22, 2006

By Yoso Furumoto, Teruhisa Mitsumori

The government yesterday switched course and accepted adding
minor changes to the current plan to relocate the US military's
Futenma Air Station in Ginowan City, Okinawa Prefecture to the
coastal portion of Camp Schwab in Nago City. Lying behind this
move is the government's desire to somehow bring Nago City into
consultations on the relocation plan. Nago Mayor Yoshikazu
Shimabukuro late yesterday responded to talks with Defense Agency
(JDA) Director-General Fukushiro Nukaga. Talks between the
government and Nago City have barely begun just ahead of the end-
of-March deadline for the final report on the realignment of US
forces in Japan. Yet, both sides are still wide apart, since JDA
is determined to go ahead with the coastal plan just by making
slight changes to it, while Nago City is calling for a drastic
revision of the plan that involves adoption of a reclamation
scheme in ocean waters.

Government urges Nago City to respond to talks, indicating
compromising stance, obviously out of impatience with the
deadline of final report closing near

"We've decided to engage in energetic talks this week and come up
with a certain direction. There is need to finalize the issue to
coincide with the deadline for the final agreement Japan and the
United States will reach by the end of the month." JDA chief

TOKYO 00001490 004 OF 010


Nukaga told this to reporters after meeting with Mayor
Shimabukuro, indicating he intended to make minor revisions to
the current coastal plan so that coordination with Nago City
would progress at a faster pace. JDA is against any drastic
revision. That is because of the rule of thumb, namely that the
Japan-US Special Action Committee on Okinawa (SACO) specified a
sea-based facility plan in 1996, nine years ago, but that the
plan has never been put into motion to date.

At first, a movable heliport was planned. But following demands
for changes from Okinawa Prefecture and local municipalities, the
movable heliport plan changed into the one to construct an
airport on reclaimed land so that it could be jointly used by the
military and civilian sectors. Additionally, an assessment of
effects on the environment was a premise for the start of the
construction, but no such assessment has ever been conducted due
to objections from environment-preservation groups and anti-base
activists. Local residents are opposed to the coastal plan partly
because under the plan, a runway is likely to be constructed at a
site closer to the residential area, but they are strongly
anticipating a favorable effect of reclamation work on the
economic front. JDA, however, asserts that if the government were
again forced to make a broad concession to accept local demands,
the relocation of Futenma would never occur.

Nevertheless, the government has decided to comply with minor
changes to the relocation plan. The major reason for this policy
shift is that in the recent working-level talks between Japan and
the US held in early March, US officials showed their reluctance
to complete a final agreement without any bright prospect of
gaining local consent. The government and the ruling parties are
increasingly becoming impatient as the deadline is coming closer.
In the Japan-US talks held last fall, a shallow-waters plan was
floated by the US, and among Japanese government ministries, the
Foreign Ministry endorsed the plan. JDA, however, brushed aside
the Foreign Ministry's endorsement and went ahead with the
coastal plan. This time again, calls for a shift to a sea-based
plan arose from lawmakers who have served as foreign minister and
other officials. The ruling parties were under pressure to revise
(the current coastal plan).

Agreeing to minor changes in the coastal plan was a necessary
means for JDA to block a sea-based plan and keep the coastal plan
in place. Yesterday morning, JDA Director-General Nukaga
discussed a policy line of adding minor changes with Prime
Minister Junichiro Koizumi. After the meeting, Nukaga told
reporters, "Changes must be feasible. I have been told that
(things) have been entirely left in the hands of Mr. Nukaga." The
JDA chief then emphasized that he was given a free hand by the
prime minister under the basic policy of keeping the coastal plan
itself in place.

Nago City rocked; Inamine-led prefectural government firmly
opposed to coastal plan

"That would be a good thing. I figure that local opposition to
the coastal plan might have been transmitted to the central
government." So said Nago Mayor Shimabukuro after meeting with
JDA Director-General Nukaga, indicating to reporters that he
appreciated the government's policy of making minor changes (to
the coastal plan). In the talks with Nukaga, the mayor said that
he stressed that it would be acceptable if changes were within
variations of the sea-based plan, and that he would be ready to

TOKYO 00001490 005 OF 010


accept future talks with the government.

On March 21, the mayor met with Okinawa Gov. Keiichi Inamime
before he left for Tokyo, and confirmed that there was no change
in opposition to the coastal plan. In Okinawa, the mayor told
reporters, "Local citizens would not be convinced of minor
changes because such changes have nothing to do with the coastal
plan. Minor changes are thus unacceptable." But in Tokyo, the
mayor appreciated minor changes. This gap has given a glimpse of
Nago City's agony over the relocation of the Futenma airfield.

The reason why Nago City offered the acceptable scope of changes
was that with no key industry in the city, "It has to stimulate
its economy by co-existing with the base," according to a senior
municipal government official. The city also has the hope that
the central government would provide it with a package of
economic measures in return for the acceptance of the relocation
of Futenma airfield.

In contrast, Okinawa Prefecture is adamant about rejecting plans
other than the Henoko offshore plan, namely to reclaim land from
the sea off Henoko. If it accepted the coastal plan, it would
lead to rejecting the position of the Inamine-led prefectural
government that has accepted the previous plan as a result of a
difficult decision. Although the gubernatorial election is
scheduled for October, incumbent Gov. Inamine has not made it
clear whether he will run again. But if he turned around to favor
the coastal plan, the conservative-led prefectural government
could be put in a precarious position.

But if Nago City accepted minor changes to the coastal plan, no
doubt Gov. Inamine would be further pressured by the government
and ruling parties to make a difficult decision again. Before
this, persuading Nago City first seems to be the government's
strategy.

(3) Editorial: Efforts needed to obtain public understanding for
plan to relocate Marines to Guam

SANKEI (Page 2) (Full)
March 21, 2006

The Japanese and US governments will resume US force realignment
talks tomorrow in a bid to reach a final agreement. From the
viewpoint of maintaining and strengthening the alliance
relationship, we hope that both sides will fully discuss how to
cooperate with each other first and find common ground.

Delivering a speech at the graduation ceremony of the National
Defense Academy on March 19, Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi
said: "There are countries that have been engaged in military
buildups recently." As Koizumi pointed out, China and North Korea
have been expanding their armaments. Under such a situation, the
presence of the US military and the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) are
imperative as a deterrent to any threat to Japan's peace and
stability. Everyone must keep in mind that if the importance of
Japan-US alliance is reduced, a wrong signal would be sent to
other countries and Japan's national interests would eventually
be undermined.

Besides the relocation of the US Marine Corps' Futenma Air
Station, there is another issue of relocating Marines in Okinawa
to Guam.

TOKYO 00001490 006 OF 010



In bilateral talks held earlier, the US asked Japan to foot 75%
of the (10 billion dollar or about 1,175 billion yen) bill to
relocate the Marines to Guam. The US had initially worked out
approximately 8 billion dollars as the transfer cost, but it then
added expenditures for off-base infrastructure building, such as
docks to be used by the Marine Corps. An official of the US
Defense Department said: "It is Japan that asked us to relocate
the Marines. The US takes responsibility for defending Japan, but
Japan does not take responsibility for defending the US. Japan's
share of the cost for the planned Marine relocation is very low."

A responsible Japanese minister said on March 16 that Japan would
not be able to accept the US cost estimate and is considering a
plan to adopt a loan system for expenditures to finance
constructing housing for American troops and their families.

Japan may be pressed to pay a huge bill in the end. It is
unavoidable for the two governments to share some of the cost. On
such an occasion, they will be required to explain to their
respective people the basis for the cost estimate in a convincing
and clear-cut way.

Japan's defense budget is about 1% in terms of gross domestic
product (GDP). The US has compared it to its 3%, but making such
a comparison is simplistic. We do not think the US should take
this as a good opportunity for it to impose a fiscal burden on
Japan in order to expanding its bases.

Japan should take seriously the United States' irritation for
Japan only focusing its interest on reducing US military bases
and showing a lack of understanding toward Washington's efforts
to serve as a deterrent in the region by placing the valuable
lives of its young people at risk. Under the framework of
alliance, one nation should protect its ally. It might be
necessary, on the occasion of transferring Marines from Okinawa
to Guam, for Japan and the US to take another look at their
alliance.

In order for Japan and the US to smoothly manage the alliance,
the two governments need to do their best to solicit public
support for their relocation plans.

(4) Editorial: Strengthened unity among Japan, US, Australia
imperative for regional stability

YOMIURI (Page 3) (Full)
March 19, 2006

Foreign Minister Taro Aso, US Secretary of State Condoleezza
Rice, and Australian Foreign Minister Alexander Downer held their
first ministerial security talks in Sydney, Australia, on March

18.

Historical changes are going on in the Asia-Pacific region, with
the rapid economic growth of China and India. Japan and the US,
as well as the US and Australia, have established alliances. It
is extremely important for the three countries, which share such
core values as freedom and democracy, to hold strategic talks for
peace and stability in the region.

The focus of discussions in the trilateral strategy dialogue was
on China, which has undertaken an arms buildup backed by its

TOKYO 00001490 007 OF 010


rapid economic growth. China has increased its defense budget for
2006 by 14.7% over the previous year, recording double-digit
growth for the 18th straight year. US financial authorities
revealed before the US Congress that China's military budget is
actually three times larger than the announced figure. The
increases by the Chinese Navy and Air Force of ballistic missiles
and weapons present an element of uncertainty in the region.

Japan, the US, and Australia called for China's "constructive
engagement" in the Asia-Pacific region. Such a call is quite
rational. They also should try to deepen cooperation with the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and India.

The Bush administration's new National Security Strategy called
on China to act as "a responsible stakeholder," noting: "We will
urge the Chinese government to take a proper strategy for the
sake of its people, but we will also make preparations on the
assumption of another case." The trilateral strategy dialogue
probably is part of such preparations.

In East Asia, China has proposed forming an East Asian Community
composed of ASEAN, Japan, China, and South Korea. Meanwhile,
Japan has insisted on the need to establish a more open framework
in cooperation with India, Australia, and other countries.

Strengthened cooperation among Japan, the US, and Australia will
become more important as a means of preventing turmoil in the
process of forming a new framework for East Asia.

In addition to China, a variety of regional or global challenges
are facing the three countries. Such challenges include the
nuclear programs of North Korea and Iran. How to deal with the
bleak security situation in Iraq is another key issue. In order
to maintain security in the region, it is also vital to work out
measures to deal with bird flu and other potential epidemics.

Japan, the US, and Australia upgraded the sub-cabinet-level
strategic talks they had held regularly to a ministerial confab.
The statement of the trilateral strategic dialogue explained why
the talks were raised to higher status: "That is to express our
determination to work together to promote peace and stability in
the Asia-Pacific region with the aim of protecting our strategic
benefits."

In order for Japan to protect its strategic benefits shared with
the US and Australia, it is important to strengthen and continue
its cooperative ties with them. To that end, Japan must properly
fulfill its role and responsibility.

(5) Editorial: Australia-Japan-US Strategic Dialogue - Coalition
of the willing needed

SANKEI (Page 2) (Full)
March 19, 2006

The Australia-Japan-US Strategic Dialogue was held in Sydney
among the Japanese, US, and Australian foreign ministers. Prior
to that, a Japan-US strategic dialogue between the Japanese and
US foreign ministers also took place. This is the first strategic
dialogue among the foreign ministers of the three countries. The
bilateral strategic dialogue with the US was Japan's second,
following the one held last May.


TOKYO 00001490 008 OF 010


Japan and Australia each has an alliance with the US. The three
countries share basic values, such as freedom and democracy. They
have a close cooperative relationship on the security front, as
well.

It is significant that the foreign ministers of the three
countries have committed to partnership and solidarity not only
for immediate issues but also for mid- to long-term strategic
challenges. The words "strategic dialogue" carry a significant
meaning.
Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi and US President George Bush
during their first summit in 2001 decided to hold a bilateral
strategic dialogue. Sub-cabinet-level meetings had been held on a
regular basis since 2002. It was decided last year that the
dialogue would be held under a dual-track structure involving the
foreign-ministerial level and high working level. The Australia-
Japan-US strategic dialogue is an extension of that process, and
it was decided to hold the first meeting this year.

The trilateral strategic dialogue this time covered a wide range
of topics. However, discussions appeared to have focused on such
issues as the situation in Iraq, the nuclear programs of Iran and
North Korea, and a strategy to deal with China, which is markedly
developing both in economic and military terms.

The Bush administration on March 16 issued a new National
Security Strategy after a hiatus of three and a half years.
Regarding the situation in East Asia, the report noted the
perception of the current situations in Japan, Australia, South
Korea, Southeast Asia, and China and how to deal with such
situations, and indicated the significance of Japan and Australia
as its allies.

The report expressed wariness and devoted the greatest amount of
space to China's continuing opaque military expansion. It also
urged China to democratize. The statement on China was concluded
with the suggestive expression: "Our strategy seeks to encourage
China to make the right strategic choices for its people, while
we hedge against other possibilities."

During the trilateral strategic dialogue, the three nations
likely aimed to deepen their ties as a "coalition of the willing"
based on the positions of Japan and Australia, as well as the US
security strategy.

On the economic front, the three nations have a competitive
relationship in many spheres, but they also share interests in
terms of urging various countries, starting with China, to adopt
a fair economic system.

In order for the three nations, which share values as maritime
states as well, to make their strategic dialogue fruitful, it
will become necessary to hold a comprehensive strategic dialogue
that covers not only foreign affairs but also defense and fiscal
matters.

(6) Post-Koizumi contenders; Research on Shinzo Abe;
Grandfather's belief, father's trust (Part 2)

NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Excerpts)
March 21, 2006

In 1960, demonstrators opposing the revisions to the Japan-US

TOKYO 00001490 009 OF 010


Security Treaty besieged the residence of then Prime Minister
Nobusuke Kishi at Nanpeidai, Tokyo every day. Shinzo Abe, who was
then a pre-school toddler, along with his elder brother Hironobu
Abe, squirted the demonstrators with water pistols from the
second floor of his friend's house on the opposite side of the
street. He seemed to have been familiar with politics even as a
child.

Avoided taking any noticeable behavior

Hironobu said that Shinzo inherited the sure convictions of his
grandfather, who followed his own path, despite the criticism he
faced, in the belief that it was the right thing to revise the
Treaty. He added, "Shinzo has been stubborn from his childhood."
He never gave up, even when he got into a scuffle with Hironobu's
friends.

In the meantime, he avoided taking any noticeable behavior for
fear of being regarded as a wellborn boy. He received his
education at combined elementary, junior high and high schools
and a university at Seikei Gakuen. He was reportedly quiet and
not active in student activities.

At the university, he joined the archery club and practiced hard,
but he was never a good archer. He did not apply himself to his
studies, either. He was fond of reading novels by Shusaku Endo.
He often listened to Carol King's songs.

After studying in the US for two years, Abe entered Kobe Steel,
following the advice of a secretary to his father, who thought
that it would be helpful for his father, because the company's
plant is located in his constituency.

Turning point comes four years after entering Kobe Steel

At Kobe steel, when Shinji Yano, then director of the division to
which Abe was assigned, ordered Abe to sell such and such a
product, Abe replied, "Yes, sir. I will try to do it." It was
later found that the business deal had already been made. Yano
reprimanded Abe, "You should not do such a thing." But Abe, in
fact, often challenged business rules, fully prepared to take
risks.

The turning point came four years after he entered the company.
He received a phone call from his father, who had just come into
office as foreign minister. He told his son, "Work as my
secretary starting tomorrow." Abe replied, "I handle annual sales

SIPDIS
of 10 billion yen. It is impossible to clean up my business
within a day or two."

Worried about the situation, Yano invited Abe for a dinner and
persuaded him: "Do not worry. We will take care of your business
properly." Abe at last conceded.

He served as a secretary to his father for eight years. His
father became the Liberal Democratic Party's (LDP) secretary
general. It looked certain he would become prime minister but
regrettably he died of cancer.

Abe started his political career with this feeling in his heart:
"I wonder whether my father ever really accomplished his
aspirations.


TOKYO 00001490 010 OF 010


Abe noted: "From my grandfather I have learned that one should
carry through with things which one thinks are correct, and from
my father I learned that one should value relationships of
trust."

(Corrected copy) US military to disperse flight training missions
to 6 mainland bases from Kadena, other bases

ASAHI (Page 2) (Abridged)
March 22, 2006

The Defense Facilities Administration Agency yesterday briefed
local government officials on the ongoing intergovernmental
consultations between Japan and the United States on the planned
realignment of US forces in Japan. In yesterday's briefing, the
DFAA told local authorities that the government would make
efforts to disperse US military aircraft's flight training
missions from Kadena airbase in Okinawa Prefecture and other
bases to six mainland bases this fall and afterward and to other
mainland bases in the future. The government has set a ceiling to
the number of days for bilateral joint training exercises at
each, and the US military conducts flight training within the
limits of each base's ceiling. However, the DFAA told them that
the government would like to remove the current ceiling of
flights.

According to the DFAA's account, the government will propose
dispersing US fighter jets' training from three US bases at
Kadena, Misawa in Aomori Prefecture, and Iwakuni in Yamaguchi
Prefecture to five Air Self-Defense Force bases at Chitose in
Hokkaido, Hyakuri in Ibaraki Prefecture, Komatsu in Ishikawa
Prefecture, Tsuiki in Fukuoka Prefecture, and Nyutabaru in
Miyazaki Prefecture, and also to Misawa.

The US military will start some flight training missions in the
fall of 2006 and then full-fledged training in fiscal 2007. The
DFAA also revealed that the Japanese and US governments have
agreed to make efforts for the availability of other Self-Defense
Forces bases.

SCHIEFFER