BOSNIA CAMPAIGN 2006: THE ROLE OF RELIGIOUS LEADERS

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 SARAJEVO 002320

SIPDIS

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 09/29/2016
TAGS: PGOV PREL BK
SUBJECT: BOSNIA CAMPAIGN 2006: THE ROLE OF RELIGIOUS LEADERS

Classified By: Classified by DCM Judith Cefkin for reason 1.4(b) and (d
).


1. (U) This is the fifth in a planned series of cables
covering themes relevant to the October 1, 2006 national
elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina.


2. (C) SUMMARY: As Bosnians prepare to head to the polls
this weekend, religious leaders have actively encouraged
voter turnout, but also sought to manipulate the political
process behind the scenes. Though they publicly assert
political neutrality and refrain from active campaigning,
many religious leaders have engaged in behind-the-scenes
attempts to influence the elections. For example, national
figures such as Reisu-l-Ulema Mustafa effendi Ceric and
Cardinal Vinko Puljic sought to undermine Party of Democratic
Action (SDA) presidential candidate Sulejman Tihic and
Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ),respectively. In local
communities, it is often the opinions of the lower ranking
religious leaders whom voters encounter in their day-to-day
lives that carry more weight. These opinions, however, also
clashed with their more senior clerics. As the pre-election
period comes to end, however, it seems that the nationalist
and religious rhetoric so prevalent just a month ago has
dissipated, a point that was emphasized at a meeting the
Ambassador held with the leaders of Bosnia's four faiths on
September 28. After the meeting, Ambassador McElhaney and
Bosnia's religious leaders issued a joint statement
encouraging all Bosnians to vote. END SUMMARY.

AMBASSADOR MEETS WITH RELIGIOUS LEADERS
--------------


3. (SBU) On September 28, Ambassador McElhaney met with the
highest-level leaders of the Muslim, Catholic, Serb Orthodox
and Jewish faiths in a discussion of the current situation in
Bosnia and the election period to date. This is the first
time all four leaders have met with the Ambassador since
constitutional reform efforts in March caused a rift. The
discussion centered on how politicians have handled their
campaigns and whether rhetoric between political candidates
is a sign of democratic progress as Bosnians learn to use
dialogue instead of violence to air their differences.
During the meeting there was also an open discussion of other
issues facing the Bosnian religious community and the role of
the United States in the promotion of tolerance and
cooperation. Ambassador McElhaney, together with the
religious leaders, issued a press statement calling on all
Bosnian citizens to vote in large numbers.

THE ROLE OF RELIGION IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
-------------- -


4. (SBU) In a nation where ethnic identity is inextricably
linked to religion, ninety-five percent of Bosnians
characterize themselves as religious believers. Even those
who do not actively practice define themselves by their
religious affiliation and ethnic based group --
Bosniak/Muslim, Serb/Orthodox, Croat/Catholic and Jewish.
The highest representatives of Bosnia's four faiths meet at
an Inter-Religious Council, which aims to promote tolerance
and faith. Yet these leaders often clash as they try to
advocate for their own constituencies. Religious leaders
often find themselves at the center of political
controversies because citizens who distrust their political
leaders turn to religious leaders for guidance. Many
religious leaders, despite publicly professing tolerance,
promote religious and nationalistic animosities, especially
in Bosnia's rural areas where they have their greatest
influence.

THE ROLE OF THE ISLAMIC COMMUNITY
--------------


5. (SBU) The head of the Islamic Community, or Grand Mufti,
holds the title of Reis and is the highest religious
authority for all Muslims in the nation. This position,
currently held by Reisu-l-Ulema Mustafa effendi Ceric,
changes every seven years following elections within the
Islamic Community. Eight Muftis who directly report to the
Reis, represent the major regional areas of Banja Luka,
Bihac, Gorazde, Mostar, Sarajevo, Travnik, Tuzla and Zenica.
Imams working within a specific region fall under the
direction of the Mufti for his region. In rural areas of the
Federation, including areas around Travnik and Zenica, the
fundamentalist Wahhabi movement has separated itself from
traditional Bosnian Islam. Many believers argue that Reis
Ceric has not done enough to distance the Islamic Community
from this movement by taking a clear stand against it. They
criticize the Reis for offering implicit support by giving
interviews to Wahhabi based media.

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6. (C) Although the Islamic Community's decision making body
(Rijaset) issued a directive prohibiting endorsements of
political parties or candidates, individual Muslim leaders,
and especially Reis Ceric, have been actively involved in the
political fray. Reis Ceric's pre-election activities offered
not-so-subtle support for Party for Bosnia and Herzegovina
(SBiH) leader Haris Silajdzic. In the past few months, Reis
Ceric has been quoted almost daily in Dnevni Avaz, a leading
Bosniak Daily known to be very supportive of Silajdzic. Reis
Ceric has also been seen with Silajdzic at several important
Islamic events, including the eleventh-year commemoration of
the Srebrenica Massacre on July 11 and at another
high-profile event in a downtown Sarajevo mosque where Reis
Ceric allegedly pulled Silajdzic aside and encouraged his
opposition to constitutional reform. Allegedly, at this
meeting, Reis Ceric gave Silajdzic the moral impetus to
continue on his path towards drafting a new Bosnian
constitution so that "Bosniaks will remember and praise (him)
as they do Alija Izetbegovic."


7. (C) Ceric's public statements, however, have maintained
an objective tone. At a pre-Ramadan meeting with imams in
Zenica, Reis Ceric reminded his colleagues about the Rijaset
decision not to promote any political party or candidate, but
did encourage all Muslims to vote since it is their religious
obligation. At the same time, Reis Ceric presented a list of
ten items the Islamic Community expects from the forthcoming
elections. First on the list was the endorsement of
constitutional reform that adheres to the Council of Europe's
Parliamentary Assembly (PACE) resolution, a document for
which Silajdzic lobbied heavily. When the Ambassador
questioned him about the list of priorities, Ceric said he
endorsed the PACE resolution as a "middle ground," and denied
supporting Silajdzic. In late-July, the Reis also commented
to over 5000 Bosniaks at the opening of a reconstructed
mosque in Glamoc that there is a great rift among Bosniak
politicians. The Reis stated that Bosniak politicians in
decision making positions "either have no ideals or ideals
that reach no further than their own interests" and urged
them not to sell Bosniak honor for their own interests.
These remarks, likely aimed at current Bosnian President
Tihic and other top SDA officials, sparked heavy criticism
from media outlets happy to remind readers of the Rijaset
decision not to discuss politics in religious sermons.

THE ROLE OF THE SERB ORTHODOX CHURCH
--------------


8. (C) The highest position in the Bosnian Serb Orthodox
Church is currently held by Metropolitan Nikolaj. Not
surprisingly, the Serb Orthodox Church maintains its greatest
influence in the Republika Srpska (RS). Although the
Metropolitan sits at the top of Bosnia's Serb Orthodox
religious hierarchy, his bishops often wield more influence
over the Orthodox flock. The three most influential bishops
have their seats in Trebinje, Bijeljina and Banja Luka.
Vladika Grigorije of Trebinje, known as a rising star, may be
the single most influential player in Bosnia's Serb Orthodox
Church. Vladika Kacavenda of Bijeljina is notorious for his
support of Radovan Karadzic and ultra-nationalistic behavior.
Grigorije, Kacavenda and Vladika Jefrem of Banja Luka are
the true political force in the Serb Orthodox Church in
Bosnia.


9. (C) The Serb Orthodox Church has maintained a low-profile
during the pre-election period, but like other religious
groups has been active in more subtle ways. Prior to the
elections, Bosnian Serb Orthodox Bishops agreed that they
would not publicly support any specific party or politician.
The Church and its leaders have since avoided overt
statements or actions of political support. Traditionally,
the Serb Orthodox Church has supported the ultra-nationalist
Serb Democratic Party (SDS),but recent events suggest that
ties between the two are weakening. In a private
conversation with us, the extremely influential Vladika
Grigorije told us he supports the Alliance of Independent
Social Democrats (SNSD) and its leader RS Prime Minister
Milorad Dodik. Grigorije's influence not only in his own
diocese, but also within all of the Republika Srpska, is so
strong that even a subtle hint at support is likely to
influence voter opinions.


10. (C) Bijeljina Bishop Vladika Kacavenda often makes
attempts to stir-up antagonisms between Serbs and Bosniak
returnees in the RS, including holding ceremonies in churches
built illegally on Bosniak property. These activities,
though nominally apolitical, are potent symbols for
nationalists and help nationalistic politicians mobilize
their base. Hard-line nationalists are not the only
politicians seeking Kacavenda's blessing, however. It is

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widely rumored that Dodik recently visited him to ask for his
political support. Kacavenda allegedly agreed in exchange
for assistance in the building of a Serb Orthodox Church.

THE ROLE OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH
--------------


11. (SBU) The Bosnian Catholic Church's leadership consists
of a Bishop's Conference of four main leaders. Cardinal
Vinko Puljic, seated in Sarajevo, is the highest ranking
member of the conference and is regarded as the unofficial
head of the Bosnian Catholic Church. Although the Cardinal
has the power to ordain priests, the Bishop's Conference is
the main Catholic administrative body and consists of the
Banja Luka Bishropic, Vrhbosna (Sarajevo) Bishropic, Mostar
Bishropic and an auxiliary Bishopric also in Sarajevo. Each
Bishop is independent and reports directly to the Vatican
(not the Cardinal),but also works within the joint body of
the conference. The Catholic Church also includes the
Franciscan Order, mainly present near Sarajevo and in
Herzegovina, who report to the Bishops but have independence
with regard to education of priests and management of their
own parishes. The Franciscans have two main seats
representing Herzegovina from Mostar and Bosnia from
Sarajevo. Traditionally, the Franciscans have been perceived
as pro-Bosnian (i.e. supportive of Bosnia's sovereignty and
territorial integrity and opposed to the creation of a third
Croat entity). Since the constitutional reform debate last
spring, the Franciscans have worked more closely with the
overtly nationalist Cardinal Puljic. Members of the Catholic
Church told us that the Church perceives itself as the
western-minded bridge between Bosnia's Eastern Orthodox Serbs
and Muslim Bosniaks.


12. (SBU) The Catholic Church has been very active in the
pre-election period, managing its own get-out-the vote
campaign. This initiative is largely in response to fears
stemming from recent attempts at constitutional reform that
Croats believed would have seriously limited their
protections as an ethnic minority. On June 9, the Catholic
Bishops Conference issued a pastoral letter to all members of
the church highlighting the importance of the forthcoming
October elections and encouraging Catholic believers to vote.
Specifically, the letter urged Catholics to take the
elections seriously and vote in large numbers, especially in
light of the "bitter memories" of the recent attempts at
constitutional reform and because "abstinence from voting
means letting others determine our destiny." Catholic leaders
also appealed to Croat political parties to form coalitions,
especially at the state level "so as not to waste even one
Croat vote." On July 2, this letter was read in every
Bosnian Catholic Church in lieu of a traditional Sunday
sermon.


13. (C) The Catholic Church has not, however, presented a
similarly unified platform with regard to the two main Croat
political parties. In public statements, the Catholic Church
appears split between the Bishop's Conference support of
ultra-nationalist, breakaway party Croatian Democratic
Union-1990 (HDZ-1990) led by Bozo Ljubic, while the
Franciscans and other rural priests still favor the
traditional and well-established favorite, Croatian
Democratic Union (HDZ) and its leader Ivo Miro Jovic. In a
meeting with Sarajevo's Vicar Mato Zovkic, he indicated to us
that Bosnia's Catholic Bishops decided together to lend
support to HDZ-1990 over HDZ exclusively because the latter
approved the U.S. brokered constitutional reform efforts.
According to Zovkic, the Bosnian Catholic Church will never
support any party or candidate who supports constitutional
reform. HDZ-1990, which opposed the March constitutional
reform package, is seen as better able to protect the
national interests of Bosnia's small Croat minority, Zovkic
told us. (Zovkic further explained that the Catholic Church
in Bosnia believes that the U.S. is trying to compensate for
its wars against Muslims in Afghanistan and Iraq by catering
to Bosniaks in an effort to prove our foreign policies are
pro-Muslim.) Immediately prior to their party convention on
September 2, Cardinal Puljic issued a letter of goodwill to
HDZ-1990. This gesture, seen as a clear political
declaration of support for HDZ-1990, was boosted by the
backing of Croatian Prime Minister Ivo Sanader, and was all
that HDZ-1990 needed to become a true contender in the Croat
race. The Cardinal later stated that he had sent letters of
goodwill to all Croat-based parties and that "as a pastor of
all Catholic believers (he) does not favor any political
party because doing so would alienate other believers in his
pastoral care." Although HDZ candidates have played down the
importance of this letter in meetings with us, it is clear
that at least initially, the Bishop's Conference lent their
support to HDZ-1990.


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THE ROLE OF THE JEWISH COMMUNITY
--------------


14. (SBU) The Jewish community plays a limited but important
role in the Bosnian interfaith dialogue. This small
community of approximately 1000 believers maintains a special
place in Bosnian society because of its long history as
mediator and honest broker between the three other
constituent religions. Jakob Finci, President of the Bosnian
Jewish Community, maintains a balanced and constructive role
in the inter-faith dialogue but has not taken an active role
in the pre-election period except to encourage citizens to
vote.

COMMENT
--------------


15. (C) COMMENT: Although political activism among Bosnia's
religious leaders seems to have decreased in these last few
days before the election, their summertime campaigning will
likely play an important roll in Sunday's election results.
At the September 28 meeting with Ambassador McElhaney,
Bosnia's religious leaders emphasized interfaith rather than
political messages. This weekend's 48-hour period of campaign
silence for politicians, however, gives religious leaders a
perfect last-minute opportunity at Friday, Saturday and
Sunday services to encourage their own believers to vote and
even to vote a certain way. In rural regions where religion
plays a greater role in everyday life, perceived support by
religious leaders whether for SBiH, HDZ-1990 or SNSD, will
certainly have an impact on votes. Because the Bosnian
people have little, if any, faith in their political leaders,
they look to their religious leaders for political guidance
and often follow it. One religious leader summarized the
situation to us by saying that in Bosnia "it is impossible to
separate religious leaders from politics because those
leaders feel the need to voice the concerns of the people -
like a shepherdly protection of one's own community, but
immune from the disapproval of the U.S. or other political
actors." If this is true, Bosnians who vote "their
consciences" may simply be acting on the explicit or implicit
direction they receive from their imams and priests.
MCELHANEY