Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
06SANTIAGO2269
2006-10-27 22:18:00
CONFIDENTIAL
Embassy Santiago
Cable title:  

FOXLEY: CHILE NOT INTERESTED IN UNSC SEAT,

Tags:  IO PGOV PREF UNGA CI 
pdf how-to read a cable
VZCZCXYZ0000
RR RUEHWEB

DE RUEHSG #2269/01 3002218
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
R 272218Z OCT 06
FM AMEMBASSY SANTIAGO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 0277
INFO RUEHAC/AMEMBASSY ASUNCION 2709
RUEHBO/AMEMBASSY BOGOTA 1564
RUEHBR/AMEMBASSY BRASILIA 3366
RUEHBU/AMEMBASSY BUENOS AIRES 3281
RUEHCV/AMEMBASSY CARACAS 1153
RUEHGT/AMEMBASSY GUATEMALA 0292
RUEHLP/AMEMBASSY LA PAZ OCT LIMA 4784
RUEHME/AMEMBASSY MEXICO 1106
RUEHMN/AMEMBASSY MONTEVIDEO 3412
RUEHZP/AMEMBASSY PANAMA 0208
RUEHQT/AMEMBASSY QUITO 1613
RUEHSJ/AMEMBASSY SAN JOSE 0813
RUEHDG/AMEMBASSY SANTO DOMINGO 0180
C O N F I D E N T I A L SANTIAGO 002269 

SIPDIS

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 10/26/2016
TAGS: IO PGOV PREF UNGA CI
SUBJECT: FOXLEY: CHILE NOT INTERESTED IN UNSC SEAT,
ABSTENTION POSITION VINDICATED

Classified By: DCM Emi Yamauchi for reasons 1.5 (b and d).

------
Summary
-------

C O N F I D E N T I A L SANTIAGO 002269

SIPDIS

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 10/26/2016
TAGS: IO PGOV PREF UNGA CI
SUBJECT: FOXLEY: CHILE NOT INTERESTED IN UNSC SEAT,
ABSTENTION POSITION VINDICATED

Classified By: DCM Emi Yamauchi for reasons 1.5 (b and d).

--------------
Summary
--------------


1. (C) Foreign Minister Foxley told visiting senior SFRC
staffer Meacham Chile is not a candidate for the UNSC seat,
said its decision to abstain had been proven correct by the
ongoing stalemate between Guatemala and Venezuela, and that
Chile would continue to play the role of "honest broker" in
the search for a consensus candidate. He appreciated the
Secretary's phone call seeking out his assessment of the UNSC

SIPDIS
situation and mentioned Panama, the Dominican Republic, and
Uruguay as possible consensus candidates. Chile wants a
quick resolution of the UNSC election as further delay will
tarnish Latin America's image. Foxley noted that the UNSC
issue had, initially, been a low priority matter for Chile,
whose focus was on regional integration and Latin
American-Asia commercial ties. But given the importance of
the UNSC on key international issues, Chile sought to be
helpful. The FM also touched on Chile's relations with
Brazil, Peru, and Bolivia, observing that Brazil needed to do
more to exercise regional leadership. He also discussed with
Meacham the relative merits of executive-legislative
relations in the U.S. and Chile. End summary.


2. (U) Foreign Minister Alejandro Foxley met in his office
October 27 with senior SFRC staffer Carl Meacham. Foxley was
joined by the MFA's U.S. desk officer. Meacham was
accompanied by DCM, E/POL Counselor and PA.

--------------
Chile as Honest Broker
--------------


3. (C) Meacham observed that after several days in Chile he
had come to a better appreciation of the internal political
dynamic that had led the Bachelet administration to abstain
on the UNSC vote. He congratulated the FonMin on his
handling of a delicate situation. While Washington
observers, including Senator Lugar, had been perplexed that
Chile had given consideration at all to voting for Venezuela,
in the end Chile's analysis that neither Guatemala nor
Venezuela could carry the vote had proven astute. Guatemala

remained a good candidate but Meacham understood Chile's
position. But now Chile had to work for consensus. It is a
regional leader, economically and politically, and must step
up to that role. That was the message he intended to bring
back to Washington, adding Chile and the U.S. would continue
to work together.


4. (C) Foxley replied Chile lived within a democratic, open
system of government and had to balance a diversity of views
with a need for ordered decision-making. The several
Concertacion coalition governments had always been able to
reach consensus. But the matter of the UNSC vote had proven
very difficult. Building consensus had taken time and
President Bachelet had carefully considered distinct party
positions as well as changing developments, "such as Chavez'
declarations." She waited until the last moment so as to be
able to take all factors into account. It was the best
possible choice and, in the end, "We have been vindicated."
It has not been possible to reach consensus in Latin America
"between two blocs." And Chile is a small country that must
have relations with all.


5. (C) The FonMin raised the Secretary's phone call to him
earlier in the week. She had told him GRULAC must make a
decision and the USG would not intervene in GRULAC's
decision-making process. She also asked for his assessment
of the situation and wondered what Chile was doing to help
resolve the impasse. Foxley told her he appreciated the
USG's willingness to step back and said Chile was "talking to
everyone." He emphasized that Chile "is not a candidate."
Foxley said that Chile would not be credible if it "on the
one hand pushed for a consensus candidate and, on the other,

offered itself as that candidate." He mentioned as possible
consensus candidates Panama, the Dominican Republic, and
Uruguay. Bolivia's own candidacy, Foxley wryly observed, had
likely been aborted by "Chavez' usual prudence and discretion.


6. (C) Foxley said he was in daily contact with Chile's UN
Ambassador Heraldo Munoz, who reported the October 26 GRULAC
meeting had "gone badly" and resolved nothing. Guatemala
seemed willing to hold on to its candidacy at least into the
Ibero-American Summit scheduled for November 3 in Montevideo,
where it could presumably approach regional leaders. Foxley
hoped that it wouldn't take that long. It is a dispute that
doesn't help Latin America's image.



7. (C) Meacham disputed Foxley's (falsely modest)
characterization of Chile as "small and irrelevant." Chile
can play the role of honest broker. Regional players such as
Brazil and Argentina look to Chile for leadership. While
Chile cannot fill the entire void, it can "grease the
wheels." Foxley agreed, adding "That's why we can't be seen
to be taking sides. We have 'soft power.'" Chile
understands that it is envied by some countries, but these
countries also listen for Chile's views. In the words of
Brazilian FonMin Amorian, "Chile's conceptual power far
outstrips its politcal and economic power."

--------------
Regional Relations
--------------


8. (C) Foxley animatedly turned to the just concluded "2 plus
2" talks between Chile and Peru's Foreign and Defense
ministers (reftel). He noted that Peru had brought along
"nearly half of its cabinet," for talks he characterized as
"very good." Agreements had been reached on social,
economic, and defense matters. Given the often tense
relations between the two neighbors, these successful
negotiations set a good example for the rest of Latin
America. Chile's relations with Bolivia were also improving.
Foxley said he had met the previous day with a Brazilan
business delegation to discuss Asia-Latin American commercial
integration. The way to unify Latin America is through
commerce, especially by reaching out to the Pacific. Chile,
a country of 15 million, now had trade agreements with
countries and markets totaling over 3.8 billion people.
Business had to take the lead, with markets open to all.


9. (C) Returning briefly to the UNSC election, Foxley said
the issue had intially been "far down" on Chile's foreign
policy agenda, with its focus instead on regional integration
and Asia-Pacific commercial ties. But when it became clear
that the election had "global implications" Chile had decided
to do what it could to help. For this, he added, "I was
deeply criticized by some in Concertacion who insisted on a
vote for Venezuela."


10. (C) Foxley noted the polls showing Lula winning second
round elections in Brazil handily, but said Lula would be
weakened by Cardozo's relatively strong showing and would
have to reach out to him. Nonetheless, he stressed that
Brazil must take a more assertive leadership in the region.

--------------
Executive-Legislative Relations
--------------

11.(C) Meacham and Foxley also discussed briefly the relative
merits of the U.S. and Chilean systems of government.
Meacham noted that Chile's "very strong executive power"
diminished the role of "checks and balances," which
characterized U.S. executive-legislative branch relations.
He also observed that Chile's legislators lacked the "thirty
or so" legislative assistants that U.S. congressmen and
senators have to help them shape legislation. Foxley, a
former senator himself, laughed and said "Thirty? I wish I
had had three!" Foxley agreed on the relative role of

governing institutions in the two countries. He noted for
example, that the executive branch controls the budget
process in Chile. The parliamant cannot raise the funding
levels proposed by La Moneda, only lower them. As a result,
he said, Chile has only had budget surpluses and no tradition
of "pork barrel" projects. On the less positive side,
Chile's electoral system needs reform to end the practice of
minority parties being over-represented.

--------------
Comment
--------------


12. (C) Foxley's categoric rejection of a Chilean candidacy
for the UNSC is at odds with what we have been hearing from
others, who suggest that Chile is on standby and will serve
if asked. Moreover, we understand Ambassador Munoz has been
far less categoric, reflecting his relative independence of
the Foreign Ministry or his own agenda. What is clear is
that Chile will maintain its abstention, as it seeks to play
out its role as "honest broker." End comment.

13. (U) Mr. Meacham has cleared this message.
KELLY