POLITICAL ISLAM IN BAHRAIN (PART I): SHARED

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 05 MANAMA 000339

SIPDIS

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/04/2016
TAGS: PGOV KISL KDEM SCUL BA POL
SUBJECT: POLITICAL ISLAM IN BAHRAIN (PART I): SHARED
VALUES, DIFFERENT AGENDAS, OF ISLAMIC POLITICAL SOCIETIES

REF: 05 MANAMA 1580

Classified by DCM Susan L. Ziadeh for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d).

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Summary
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1. (C) Bahrain's three leading Islamic political societies
mirror major trends in the country's religious life: Al
Minbar, associated with the Sunni Muslim Brotherhood; Al
Asala, a Sunni Salafi group; and Al Wifaq, representing the
country's Shia community. These three societies represent
the political views of the large majority of Bahraini
citizens. Between them, Al Minbar and Al Asala hold 12 of
the 40 seats in the elected Council of Representatives; Al
Wifaq boycotted the 2002 parliamentary elections and is not
represented in the Council. The two Sunni groups have a
track record of working together on initiatives to introduce
religious practices into daily life, many of which have
proven to be controversial. They succeeded for the first
time in having alcohol banned during Ramadan 2005 and, as a
result of their vocal opposition, have reduced the
availability of many cultural activities, in particular pop
culture. A Salafi leader attributes the success of the
religious societies to Muslims' "natural" support for Islamic
politicians, and cited Hamas' recent victory as evidence. An
Al Wifaq official ruled out forming an alliance with the
Sunni Islamists, saying they have kept busy working on
marginal matters while leaving critical national issues to
the government. In the 2006 municipal and parliamentary
elections, Islamists are expected to do well again, although
voters will likely want them to focus on issues other than
just religion. End Summary.


2. (C) This cable is the first in a three-part series of
reports covering political Islam in Bahrain. Part I
discusses the three leading Islamic political societies and
their agendas; Part II reports the views of competing
political societies and politicians on the Islamist agenda;
and Part III describes the reactions of civil society,
business people, and liberals in the country.

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Islamists on Both Sides of Sectarian Divide
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3. (C) The three leading Islamic political societies in
Bahrain mirror the major trends in the country's religious
life. The Minbar Islamic Society (Al Minbar) represents
conservative Sunnis associated with the Muslim Brotherhood.
The Al Asala Society is the political arm of the Islamic
Education charitable organization (Al Tarbiya Al Islamiya),a
Sunni Salafi group that adheres to the strict, literal
interpretation of Islamic scriptures most closely associated
with the dominant religious trend in Saudi Arabia. Al Wifaq
is the leading Shia organization. There are several
non-religious-based political societies, such as Al Waad,
with roots in the communist/socialist movements of the 1970s,
and Al Mithaq, a non-sectarian liberal group. But to a great
extent, Al Minbar, Al Asala, and Al Wifaq represent the
political views of the large majority of Bahrainis.


4. (C) Some 30 percent of Bahraini citizens are Sunni and 70
percent are Shia. (There is a very small number of Christian
and Jewish citizens as well.) The Sunni groups, the
traditional base of support for the Sunni ruling family (the
Al Khalifas),strongly backed King Hamad's reform process,
launched shortly after he ascended to the throne in 1999.
They enthusiastically supported the 2001 referendum on the
National Action Charter and, following the issuance of the
2002 constitution, organized politically and ran candidates
in the 2002 municipal and parliamentary elections. While the
Shia also voted overwhelmingly in favor of the National
Action Charter, many heeded Al Wifaq's call to boycott the
political system to protest the 2002 constitution, which they
believe significantly scaled back the political freedoms
promised in the Charter. As a result, Shia Islamists did not
stand for parliamentary elections in 2002. (Note: They
participated in the municipal elections on the grounds that
doing so did not imply acceptance of the constitution which,
in fact, is silent on the municipal councils.) The seven
members of the Shia Islamic bloc in parliament are not
associated with Al Wifaq.

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Sunni Islamists Largest, Most Active Bloc in Parliament
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5. (C) Al Minbar is Bahrain's Muslim Brotherhood and, in the
local context, the group is relatively moderate and
cooperates with the government and ruling family. It is the
political wing of the Al Islah charity society. The Al
Minbar bloc in the elected lower house of parliament, the
Council of Representatives (COR),is composed of seven MPs
(out of a total of 40) and is led by physician Dr. Salah Ali.
In his personal capacity, Ali has promoted the rights of
women and children, having drafted a bill on childhood
education and proposed the establishment of family counseling
centers. Ali has participate in many activities organized
and sponsored by the MEPI-funded National Democratic
Institute (NDI) democracy promotion project. Ali's moderate
image and actions are in contrast with spokesman Shaikh
Mohammed Khalid, who is virulently anti-American and in the
forefront of protesting the detention of Bahraini citizens at
Guantanamo and the July 2004 arrest of a terror cell accused
of plotting attacks in the Kingdom.


6. (C) Al Asala represents the Salafi trend in Sunni Islam,
which adheres to a strict, literal interpretation of Koranic
and Hadith scriptures. Al Asala is the political wing of the
Islamic Education charity society, from which it receives
funding. The Al Asala bloc in the COR has five members and
is currently led by Ghanem Al Boanain. Shaikh Adel Al
Moawada, the COR's second deputy chair, had been the head of
the bloc until the end of 2005, when Al Boanain took over the
leadership. Al Moawada has said publicly that his bloc is
focused on three main goals: increasing the standard of
living; supporting institutions that will improve political,
social, and economic stability; and enhancing financial and
administrative oversight.

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Shia Islamists Outside the System
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7. (C) Al Wifaq is the country's largest Shia political
group. Its spiritual leader is prominent cleric Shaikh Issa
Qassem, who is said to follow both Ayatollah Khamenei and
Ayatollah Sistani as "marjaeeya," or religious references.
Al Wifaq boycotted the 2002 parliamentary elections on the
grounds that the 2002 constitution is illegitimate, and so it
has no representation in the COR. It did, however, contest
the 2002 municipal elections and several Al Wifaq members sit
on the five 10-member municipal councils. While still an
opposition group, Al Wifaq registered with the government as
a political society under the 2005 Political Societies Law
and appears to be moving toward a decision to participate in
the October 2006 parliamentary elections.

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Legislating Piety
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8. (C) The two Sunni Islamist political societies have a
track record of working together on issues related to raising
the profile of religious practices in daily life, many of
which have proven to be controversial. In 2004, Al Moawada
publicly denounced a scheduled concert by Lebanese pop singer
Nancy Ajram in the government-owned exhibition center.
Others joined in, leading to high-volume complaints about the
decline in morals of Bahraini youth. The controversy
resulted in a protest and riot by Shia youth outside the
concert venue. Since this incident, the usual range of
available cultural activities has been reduced, in particular
Arab pop culture. (Note: There has been a recent upswing in
cultural activities, including the USG-sponsored performance
of hip-hop band Opus Akoben.) Also in 2004, then-Minister of
Information Nabil Al Hamer gave his approval for an Arabic
satellite network to stage a reality television show called
"Big Brother" in Bahrain. Al Asala and Al Minbar decried the
presence of young men and women living together in the same
house despite that, in deference to Gulf sensibilities, the
men and women lived in separate units in a duplex house.
Just days after filming started, "Big Brother" closed shop as
a result of massive demonstrations and resumed shooting in
Dubai.


9. (C) In other areas, the Sunni Islamists have used the
legislative tools available to pressure the government on
social policy. Bahrain is famous (or infamous) in the Gulf
region for the availability of alcohol, night clubs and other
entertainment diversions. During Ramadan 2005, which lasted
from early October to early November, the government for the
first time banned alcohol from the restaurants and bars of
five-star hotels. Per reftel, Minister of Information (and
Minister of State for Foreign Affairs) Mohammed Abdul
Ghaffar, in his capacity as head of the tourism directorate
at the Information Ministry, issued an early October
instruction to hotels to stop serving alcohol. Compliance
was spotty at first but by mid-month all hotels had
implemented the order following threats of closure. Those
that did not stop serving alcohol immediately were forced to
keep some (but not all) of their restaurants and bars closed
during the three-day Eid Al Fitr holiday that immediately
followed Ramadan.

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Tourism Directorate Clamps Down
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10. (C) Abdul Ghaffar told the Ambassador that the Ministry
had been under pressure for two years from MPs opposed to
alcohol being served during Ramadan. The MPs claimed that 22
COR deputies would sign a petition demanding that Abdul
Ghaffar appear before parliament to answer questions on the
subject. In response to the initial weak implementation of
the ban, the MPs demanded that as a penalty, those hotels'
liquor licenses be suspended for up to three months. The Eid
closure was a compromise, but the episode sent a strong
warning to hotel owners and operators.


11. (C) In a separate incident, the Tourism Directorate
canceled a permit it had already issued to a restaurant
called Al Teatro, located inside a chic local shopping mall,
to present performances by local and regional singers and
musicians. The restaurant's owner complained that his
business plan depended on the ability to stage the shows, and
he could not generate sufficient income without attracting
the patrons who would pay to attend the performances. The
restaurant does not have, and did not seek, a liquor license.
Due to the action of the Tourism Directorate, the owner said
publicly that he expects to be forced to close the restaurant
on business grounds.


12. (C) Al Minbar and Al Asala have used a parliamentary
device called an "iqtirah bi raghba," or desired proposal
(similar to a "Sense of the Congress" resolution),to
influence government policy. They submitted, and the COR
approved, proposals to force the closure of all business
establishments for two hours at the time of Friday prayers,
and to segregate the sexes at the University of Bahrain
classes. Most recently, in early February, MP Ali Mattar of
Al Asala proposed that Bahrain's penal code be amended to
allow the amputation of a hand of a convicted thief. The
proposal was referred to a committee for discussion.

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Salafis Support King, Demonstrate Loyalty
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13. (C) In a January 29 meeting, Al Moawada told EmbOffs
that Al Asala strongly supports the King's democratic reform
agenda. He cited the King's greatest accomplishment as
stabilizing the country by rooting reform deeply in society.
That said, change should come slowly, to give both the rulers
and the people time to adjust to new circumstances.
Reformers need to make clear to the ruler that "they do not
want his chair," but that they are working on behalf of the
people. The ruler's position in the chair is stronger when
the people have their rights.


14. (C) Al Moawada said that the Salafis originally did not
want to become involved in politics, but they felt they could
not sit on the fence and allow others to promote their
agendas at the expense of that of the Salafis. As for their
electoral success, Al Moawada said that people naturally
choose Islam when it is one of the options. Hamas' recent
success is proof of the attraction of Islam to voters. Al
Asala decided to focus its legislative energy on the
immediate needs of the people rather than more abstract
issues such as constitutional reform.


15. (C) On the bloc's promotion of an Islamic agenda, Al
Moawada said that he and his colleagues have been criticized
by constituents for not fighting hard enough to ban alcohol
entirely in Bahrain. He pressured the government to force
hotels to stop serving alcohol during Ramadan because this is
a "matter of respect" for Islam and Muslims, similar to the
Bahraini law requiring that restaurants close during the
fasting hours. He said he had been surprised to learn that
some hotels had been able to serve alcohol during previous
Ramadans; he had mistakenly assumed the government already
banned alcohol during the holy month.

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Total Alcohol Ban Not Realistic
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16. (C) Al Moawada said Al Asala had not aggressively
pursued a total ban on alcohol because of the potential
negative impact on the economy. He said there is an Arabic
expression which states that, if by attacking one problem,
you cause an even larger problem, you should learn to live
with the original situation. In Al Asala's view, it is
preferable to limit the availability of and access to alcohol
and to lower its profile in the country rather than harm the
economy. In response to a question, Al Moawada said that he
welcomed Al Wifaq's possible entry to the COR. He expects
that Al Wifaq, as an Islamic party, will support Al Asala's
religious-based activities.


17. (C) Al Moawada's colleague in Al Asala and current head
of the bloc Ghanem Al Boanain told the DCM that Al Asala
would not nominate women to run for parliament and it would
not support the candidacy of women from other blocs. In
contrast, Al Minbar intends to nominate women - most likely
two - for seats in the COR. Bloc member Dr. Ali Ahmed said
publicly that Al Minbar "supports women's empowerment and
wants to field the best women who can win." Ahmed said, "We
believe that having a female head of state is against
religious regulations, but any post below that is open to
them." He asserted that "granting women their political
rights is not against Islamic precepts. They should be
motivated to achieve their aspirations and contribute to the
Kingdom's development."

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Deep Shia Mistrust of Sunni Islamists
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18. (C) In a separate January 23 conversation, Al Wifaq
Consultative (Shura) Council member Nizar Al Qari told
EmbOffs that Al Wifaq "will never" form an alliance with the
Sunni Islamic societies. Shia mistrust of the Muslim
Brotherhood and Salafis is deeply rooted. Al Qari said (with
some melodrama),"If one of them found me in the desert, he
might kill me" as an infidel. The social causes pursued by
Al Minbar and Al Asala "are an obstacle to progress, a
distraction from the important issues facing Bahraini
society." While Al Wifaq is an Islamist party that takes
guidance from senior Shia clerics, it rejects a focus on
religious issues, which it considers to be a waste of
parliament's time and energy. Al Qari said that he hopes to
diminish and eventually remove the influence of Shia clerics
on Al Wifaq's politics. He accepts them as spiritual leaders
but not as politicians.


19. (C) In Al Qari's view, parliament should focus on bread
and butter issues that impact the daily lives of Bahraini
citizens. He considers these to be jobs, housing, health
care, land use and zoning, small and micro enterprise
development, and corruption. He criticizes COR deputies for
keeping busy with marginal issues while allowing the
government to do what it pleases on important national
issues. He complained that for the Sunni Islamists, Saudi
Arabia is the model. They talk about "imposing respect" for
Muslims by enacting laws legislating religious principles,
but "respect cannot be imposed, it must be earned," Al Qari
said. The Sunni Islamists, he complained, represent the
"face of the Taliban" in Bahrain.


20. (C) Al Qari said that if Al Wifaq decides to participate
in the elections, it will nominate several women as
candidates. He noted that four women stood for election to
Al Wifaq's Shura Council, and three won. Many women with
ties to Al Wifaq are benefiting from training in election
campaigns being offered in Bahrain and he expects at least
some to be successful in the elections.

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Comment
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21. (C) Bahrainis, like most GCC citizens, are religiously
conservative. In contrast, however, with most of their Gulf
brethren, they have always had an outwardly focused,
open-minded perspective, perhaps because of their traditional
reliance upon trade. While they tend to adhere closely to
their Islamic beliefs and practices, many feel uncomfortable
with the Islamists' preference for legislating piety.
Because of the sectarian divide, the large majority of
Bahrainis object in principle to Sunni politicians attempts
to impose their interpretation of Islam and society on all
citizens. However, as Al Moawada says, people tend to vote
for Islam when it is one of the options, and Islamist
candidates, both Sunni and Shia, are expected to do well in
the upcoming parliamentary elections. But, if presented with
the choice, voters are likely to support Islamist candidates
who focus on cutting edge national issues rather than simply
the introduction of religion into public life.
MONROE