PDAS SHAPIRO MEETS WITH INDIGENOUS LEADERS,

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 LA PAZ 003223

SIPDIS

SIPDIS

WHA/FO, WHA/AND, INR/B

E.O. 12958: DECL: 11/29/2016
TAGS: ECON PGOV PREL BL
SUBJECT: PDAS SHAPIRO MEETS WITH INDIGENOUS LEADERS,
ANALYSTS

Classified By: Ambassador Philip S. Goldberg for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d
).


1. (C) Summary: In a November 28 meeting with indigenous
leaders and analysts, PDAS Charles Shapiro thanked the group
for meeting with USG representatives, stressing that the
United States is eager to hear their perspectives. The
majority of participants voiced support for a democratic,
inclusive form of government, but were split on whether the
Morales administration has advanced indigenous rights and
participation. Several members of the group urged Shapiro
not to confuse the goals, aspirations and politics of
Bolivia's indigenous with region-wide leftist trends. While
most participants agreed that Morales' efforts to change
Bolivia are positive, several criticized the manner in which
change is being pursued, noting the GOB's tendency to
exacerbate social conflict. Regarding the Constituent
Assembly, the group had varying concerns regarding its
political polarization and lack of concrete results to date.
The majority of participants appeared to resent
Cuban/Venezuelan interference in Bolivia, and urged the
United States to stay in the game. End summary.

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DEMOCRACY IS HARD WORK
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2. (C) In a November 28 meeting with nine indigenous leaders
and analysts, PDAS Charles Shapiro thanked the group for
meeting with USG representatives, stressing that the United
States is eager to hear their perspectives. Shapiro told the
leaders that democracy requires the inclusion of all
citizens, that no country can afford to do otherwise. He
emphasized that while the majority rules in a democracy,
minority rights are important. Shapiro stressed that in
dismantling privilege, Bolivians should be careful not to
dismantle democracy and democratic institutions. He
encouraged the group (and the GOB) to dialogue and listen,
and to put the well-being of the country as a whole above
individual interests.


3. (C) In response to Shapiro's comments, the majority of
participants voiced their support for a democratic, inclusive
form of government, noting that indigenous communities have a
tradition of democracy based on consensus. They confirmed
that the indigenous want change, which they admitted brings
conflict. One participant described the content of the
changes underway as positive, but worried about the direction
in which Bolivia's leaders are steering the country.
Several recognized that if Bolivia veers from a democratic
path, it will lose essential international cooperation and
investment.

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INDIGENOUS PARTICIPATION UNDER MORALES:
PROGRESS OR REGRESSION?
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4. (C) The members of the group were split on whether the
Morales administration has advanced indigenous rights and
participation. Bolivia's first indigenous vice president
(under Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada, 1993-1997),Victor Hugo
Cardenas, applauded the progress of the indigenous, noting
their presence in municipal government, the cabinet,
congress, and the Constituent Assembly. He said unlike in
the past, the indigenous do not have to belong to a political
party to participate directly in politics. Others, however,
said indigenous political participation is merely symbolic.

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One analyst said that although the indigenous voted for
President Morales, they are "not in power." Others lamented
the presence of only a handful of indigenous cabinet members
and noted that all are of a like ideological mind. One
participant wryly commented that Vice President Alvaro Garcia
Linera (who is of European descent) is "more indigenous than
President Morales."


5. (C) Several members of the group urged Shapiro not to
confuse the goals, aspirations and politics of Bolivia's
indigenous with region-wide leftist trends. They noted that
the GOB officials who now waive the indigenous flag and
champion their cause are former opponents of indigenous
rights who dismissed indigenous issues as racist. The
leftists, they said, manipulate the indigenous in order to
achieve their own goal of creating a socialist state. One
participant warned against similar developments in Peru and
Ecuador, where the indigenous are also clamoring for change.

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CRITICISMS OF PRESIDENT MORALES
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6. (C) While most participants agreed that Morales'
"revolution" is positive, several criticized the manner in
which change is being affected. One called Morales a
demagogue; another described the GOB as totalitarian. One
former indigenous politician said Morales is generating
conflict regarding land reform, the Constituent Assembly and
control of Bolivia's governors because "he can't achieve his
desired ends the right way." Still another criticized the
Morales administration's lack of policy and viable programs,
saying that Morales' radical discourse has not resulted in
change. On the fight against corruption, one of Morales'
campaign pillars, several invitees expressed disappointment,
stating that instead of punishing corruption, Morales has
ignored or rewarded it (in one case by considering naming
former YPFB President Jorge Alvarado as an ambassador). Even
a MAS supporter criticized Morales' failure to understand
that "Bolivia is more than Cochabamba," apparently referring
to Morales' excessive attention to his cocalero base in the
Chapare.


7. (C) Several speakers also noted the GOB's tendency to
exacerbate social conflict. They described the Morales
administration as exercising a type of reverse racism, or new
brand of discrimination, in which the indigenous have become
Morales' favored sons to the detriment of the non-indigenous.
They expressed dissatisfaction with the growing racial
divide in society, and one said Morales is "too Aymaran,"
alluding to the exclusion of other indigenous groups. The
group also criticized Morales' implied support for the
east-west conflict in Bolivian society. One MAS supporter
proved the exception, seizing the opportunity to criticize
the Santa Cruz "oligarchy" and to lament the lack of
development assistance in western Bolivia.

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HOPES PINNED TO THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY
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8. (C) The group had varying concerns regarding the
Constituent Assembly, which it described as the key
instrument for change, including its political polarization
and lack of results to date. One analyst from eastern
Bolivia said the new constitution should not represent the
views of the current administration, but should endure past
Morales' term. A female politician from El Alto hoped that

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the Assembly would protect Bolivia's most vulnerable
citizens-- women and children. All expressed a desire for
concrete results from the Assembly. Several participants
raised the possibility of presidential re-election via the
new constitution, with one commenting "if Morales wants to be
re-elected, he's not really indigenous," given the indigenous
tradition for rotating leadership positions.

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CUBA/VENEZUELA: MEDDLING OR ASSISTANCE?
--------------


9. (C) The majority of participants appeared to resent
Cuban/Venezuelan interference. Several said
Cubans/Venezuelans are heavily influencing Bolivia's new
constitution, and expressed frustration that Venezuelan
military officials are giving orders to Bolivian troops and
providing Morales' security. Cardenas believed Morales is
building a Cuban socialist state under the guise of "social
communitarianism" and called Bolivia "the international pawn
of Cuba and Venezuela." Another participant disagreed,
saying Morales' moderation in certain areas, such as
renegotiating hydrocarbons contracts, undermines that
conclusion. The same participant, a MAS-affiliated
indigenous politician, said that poor Bolivians appreciate
Cuban and Venezuelan aid, particularly in the health sector.
He noted that more than a million people live in El Alto and
that there are a total of only 500 hospital beds. Therefore
he is grateful for the Cuban-run clinic.

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COMMENT: STAY IN THE GAME
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10. (C) While the participants expressed a wide range of
views, most seemed more committed to democracy than Morales'
political project. They asked the USG to recognize the many
contradictions in Bolivian society, and reminded us not to
fall into the trap of stereotyping Bolivia's indigenous. The
participants urged support for a new generation of
democratic, indigenous leaders. Above all else, they seemed
to be urging the USG to stay in the game in Bolivia.


11. (C) Bio data: The following five were the most
impressive of the indigenous leaders and are worth keeping an
eye on:
-- Potosi Mayor Renee Joaquino, the founder of the Social
Alliance (AS) party and a rising center-left indigenous
leader who we judge to be a contender in the next
presidential elections
-- Former Vice President Victor Hugo Cardenas, a brilliant
analyst whose political future has probably been tainted by
his association with former President Gonzalo Sanchez de
Lozada
-- Fernando Untoja, founder of the Ayra political party, and
a strong academic/analyst
-- Bertha Acarapi, president of the El Alto municipal council
and an up-and-coming Aymara leader
-- Gustavo Morales, MAS member of the El Alto municipal
council
This message was cleared by PDAS Shapiro.
GOLDBERG