SAUDI YOUTH: LESSONS FROM JEDDAH'S "SHABBAB"

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 06 JEDDAH 000128

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RIYADH, PLEASE PASS TO DHAHRAN; PARIS FOR ZEYA; LONDON FOR
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SIPDIS
DEPARTMENT FOR PDAS CHENEY; DEPARTMENT FOR A/S WELCH

E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/16/2016
TAGS: KISL CVIS PTER SCUL PREL SA
SUBJECT: SAUDI YOUTH: LESSONS FROM JEDDAH'S "SHABBAB"

REF: A. 05 JEDDAH 3996

B. JEDDAH 98

C. JEDDAH 3663

D. JEDDAH 2495

E. 05 JEDDAH 575

F. 05 JEDDAH 4442

G. JEDDAH 11

H. JEDDAH 24

I. JEDDAH 53

J. 05 JEDDAH 3665

K. 05 JEDDAH 4639

L. 05 JEDDAH 2596

M. 05 JEDDAH 4978

N. JEDDAH 03

O. JEDDAH 04

P. JEDDAH 99

Q. 05 JEDDAH 4308

R. 05 JEDDAH 4897

Classified By: CONSUL GENERAL TATIANA C. GFOELLER FOR REASONS
1.4 (b) AND (d).


1. (C) SUMMARY. After more than one year of spending time
with Jeddah's "shabbab" (roughly, guys or young men),Poloff
has noted some consistent themes common to many of the city's
youth. Over the course of numerous road trips to places like
Mecca, Medina, Taif, and al-Hada, visits to college classes
at several universities, and countless hours of hanging out
at restaurants, private homes, mosques, gyms, and city
streets, it is evident that Jeddah's "shabbab" are facing
significant social, cultural, economic, and political
challenges. Cognizant that this generation of Saudi young
men is viewed as lost and aimless by their own people and as
possible terrorists by the rest of the world, Jeddawi
"shabbab" often note their generation has been humbled by the
political and social developments swirling around them.
Regardless of whether they are middle and lower class
students at Jeddah colleges or affluent young businessmen
from the city's leading merchant families in Jeddah's
trendiest restaurants, these young men in their late teens
and twenties have a great deal to say about the future of
their country and its relationship to the rest of the world.
END SUMMARY.

YOUNG MEN RESPECT KING, RESENT ROYAL FAMILY AND SAG


2. (C) Even before King Abdullah's accession to the throne in
August, 2005 following the death of King Fahd, Jeddawi young
men consistently praised Abdullah. Viewed as honest, caring,
and incorruptible by many, it can be difficult to find young
Jeddawis criticizing the King. As Post has often reported,
young men frequently express respect, and even affection, for
King Abdullah. For example, during one "sahoor" (meal
preceding the fast during the Islamic holy month of Ramadan)
with Jeddawi college students, one young man stated: "You
know I am a rebel. But I have to say that with King
Abdullah, the focus is on education. The situation is coming
very good in Saudi Arabia, more stable. The people are
happy." (Ref. A). A young businessman recently told Poloff:
"You should hear when he talks, you can feel how much he
loves the people. He is always thinking about the people.
He is like one of our grandparents who sits with us in the
room and says nice things." (Ref. B). His Saudi buddy
declared that if men like King Abdullah reigned, "the al-Saud
can stay for 1,000 years." Jeddawi young men often praise
the King, illustrating that it is possible for senior members
of the royal family to bride the generational divide between
them and theirKingdom's increasingly young population.


3. (C)Just as it is difficult to find Jeddawi youth willig
to crticize the king, it can be difficult to ocate a young
man praising Crown Prince Sultan o Interior Minister Prince
Naif. The same man wh stated that the al-Saud can reign for
1,000 years with men like King Abdullah added: "But you need
to know people do not like Prince Sultan. It will be very
bad if he comes." (Ref. B). Young Jeddawis often criticize
Crown Prince Sultan for being greedy and for "not being a
very good Muslim," with occasional unsubstantiated whispers
of excessive drinking, drug use, and even pedophilia. The
crown prince's enormous palace in the center of a busy
commercial and residential area of Jeddah, which stands empty
much of the year, has become a symbol of his allegedly
excessive tastes. "Have you seen Sultan's palace?" is a
common line used by students criticizing excessive spending
by the royal family. If Jeddawi young men mock Crown Prince

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Sultan, many express genuine fear of Interior Minister Prince
Naif. For example, while on a road trip to Medina with a
group of Jeddah undergraduates, one student mocked Crown
Prince Sultan's weight. "Prince Sultan, I don't think he is
very good," another student concluded. One young man added
that at least other leading royals are not "as scary as
Prince Nayif" (Ref. C). Poloff has often heard "shabbab"
refer to Prince Nayif as "like Saddam Hussein" or "our
Saddam." Others have used the Arabic adjective "khateer"
(dangerous) when his name is mentioned. One young
businessman asked Poloff if Prince Nayif would be required to
have biometric fingerprints taken when applying for a US visa
like other applicants. "Don't tell me you would call Prince
Nayif in for fingerprints. That would be so funny. His name
is called, and here comes Saddam Hussein to window number
nine for fingerprints to get his visa. He would be mad."


4. (C) In conversations with Jeddawi "shabbab" over the past
year, praise for the terrorists currently engaging in gun
battles with Saudi police and security officers has been
nearly non-existent. Even among those actively criticizing
the SAG, anger at the terrorists, particularly for targeting
Saudi security officers and fellow Muslims, is palpable. For
instance, citing battles between Saudi security forces and
terrorists, one student told Poloff he is "tired" by
terrorist attacks in the Kingdom (Ref. P). "I am tired of
it. I am tired of them killing Muslims. I get angry at
them, too." While many Jeddawi young people criticize the
SAG, few "shabbab" Poloff met can envision a life under
al-Qaeda. For young Saudis unhappy with the SAG but fearful
of the terrorists opposing the royal family, a political
vacuum clearly exists that has yet to be filled.

YOUNG MEN STRUGGLE WITH DEMOCRACY, BUT WANT SAG TO GIVE THEM
A SAY


5. (C) Often criticizing the SAG for being inefficient,
corrupt, and unable to solve the country's problems, Jeddawi
young men consistently state that they want a greater say in
the country's affairs. For example, while on a trip with a
large group of undergraduates to Hada Mountain located in the
mountains between Mecca and Taif, one young man told Poloff:
"Sometimes, I wish I could send a message to President Bush
with all that is in my heart." When Poloff told the student
that he could send the President an e-mail message through
the White House website, he replied: "They would kill me here
if I did that." Later, the young man approached Poloff and
stated: "I need to tell you the one thing we hate about our
government is that they never let us speak our mind. This is
the message I want you to tell President Bush" (Ref. D). On
the drive back to Jeddah, one group of students sang Arabic
songs to the beat of rhythmic clapping and a traditional
Yemeni drum. During a break in the singing, the driver of
the car commented to Poloff: "This government will never
listen to anyone else. The al-Saud will never listen to us."


6. (C) The desire to have a greater say in Saudi society does
not automatically translate into support for democracy. For
example, while accompanying a group of approximately 20
undergraduates to a voter registration site in advance of
Jeddah's landmark April, 2005 municipal council elections,
the young men expressed apathy about receiving their first
voter registration cards and accurately predicted low voter
turnout among young men (Ref. E). One student stated that he
did not believe that his voting would affect issues important
to him, such as obtaining a good job after graduation or the
war in Iraq. "These elections mean nothing to us. We will
get nothing," one young man declared bluntly. Another
questioned the value of elections, stating: "We don't trust
democracy because it leads to massacres. Look at what is
happening in Iraq." Young men from a student discussion
group at Jeddah's King Abdulaziz University (KAAU) that
Poloff occasionally meets with had mixed views of the Jeddah
Municipal Council elections (Ref. F). When asked if they
voted in the Jeddah elections, the young men explained they
are under 21 and thus too young to vote. "If I could have
voted, I wouldn't have because I think the elections were
just a game," one student concluded. Two of his friends,
however, stated that they would have voted if they were old
enough.


7. (C) While recently meeting with a group of undergraduate
leaders from Jeddah's College of Business Administration
(CBA) in advance of the school's second ever student body
elections, the young men were skeptical of the success of

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democracy on their campus. While supporting the idea of
elections at their college, the students explained that the
school's first round of elections last year was a negative
experience that ended in what they described as the "removal"
of the student body president from office due to alleged
misconduct (Ref. G). In interactions with Jeddawi young men
at places like the polling center and CBA, Poloff has
observed that many illustrate a quick familiarity with, and
fondness for, the electoral process. At the same time, they
express doubt about how much power the resulting bodies, like
CBA's Student Body Council or the Jeddah Municipal Council,
will be granted by the relevant authorities. However, as
Saudi young men participate in elections they consistently
state they expect more elections to take place in the future
and they expect their electoral choices to increase rather
than decrease.

"SHABBAB" WORRIED ABOUT GETTING A JOB


8. (C) Despite the current Saudi economic boom and high oil
prices, Jeddah's "shabbab" often fret about their job
prospects. While such sentiments are common in any society
as young people consider their options for the future and
attempt to decide which paths to take in life, these concerns
are heightened in Saudi Arabia due to the perception that
today's generation of Saudi young men will face a more
difficult time achieving the economic security of their
fathers at a time when the Saudi population is growing
rapidly. For example, while on a Hada Mountain trip, the
undergraduate students expressed concerns throughout the day
about their employment prospects after graduation. "I will
do anything. Give me anything-- typing, secretary stuff-- to
keep me busy," said one student who wished to work in the
computer industry (Ref. D). "I don't know if I will get a
job. The situation here is very hard and if you are not from
the right family, it is hard to get a good job," another
said. Young men often complain that the best jobs go to
young Saudis with "wasta" (influence),such as sons of
Jeddah's leading merchant families.


9. (C) With a rapidly growing population and the
understanding that today's generation of Saudi young men will
have to work harder than their fathers, Post has reported
that some young Saudis are turning to work that they
previously left to foreign workers such as positions as auto
mechanics and servers (Refs. H & I). 30-something
businessman and former Jeddah Municipal Council elections
candidate Majid bin Ayed al-Ayed told Poloff that young Saudi
men are taking jobs that even men in al-Ayed's generation
would refuse to do. "This generation is different," he
stated. "I think it really changed right after my
generation. There is still money in this country today, but
it is not the same as before. The services we used to get
for free and the opportunity, it is not the same." While
Saudi economic realities may mean that Jeddawi "shabbab" are
more humble than their older brothers and fathers in
considering the types of jobs they may have to take, it is
likely that finding adequate jobs for young people will be
one of the Kingdom's main challenges in the years to come.
Many young Saudis appear to be banking their hopes on a US
education to give them a leg up in the job market, and last
year's announcement by the SAG of thousands of additional
scholarships to American universities is the topic young
people most often discuss with Poloff. For example, one
student in Medina told Poloff: "This is my big chance. If I
get the scholarship, I can get an American degree. Then I
can work for Saudia Airlines or Aramco. Then I can get
married. It all depends on this scholarship."

REGIONAL DISTINCTIONS IMPORTANT TO YOUNG JEDDAWIS


10. (C) With schools attempting to instill a sense of
national identity in a country where patriotism has generally
been muted, today's generation of Jeddawi young men identify
far more strongly with national symbols and institutions like
the Saudi national flag, the national anthem, the army, and,
above all, the Saudi national football team than previous
generations. Poloff has visited high schools featuring huge
murals of Saudi flags and members of the royal family.
Students have occasionally sung the Saudi national anthem
together in front of Poloff while hanging out. Saudi Boy
Scouts are active in many secondary schools, with the
organization focusing on instilling patriotism in young men.
On the first Saudi National Day celebrated as a national
public holiday in September, Poloff observed crowds of young

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men cruising Jeddah's Corniche and trendy Tahlia Street
waiving Saudi flags and holding portraits of King Abdullah
and Crown Prince Sultan (though some Consulate contacts
claimed the Ministry of Interior was behind the public
displays of patriotism) (Ref. J). At the same time, young
Jeddawis are acutely aware of regional differences within the
Kingdom and often identify themselves as Jeddawis or Hejazis
before stating they are Saudi. Given the Hejaz's distinctive
diversity after centuries of immigration to the Arabian
Peninsula by Muslim pilgrims from around the world, Jeddawi
young men are quick to point out the factors that make them
different from the rest of Saudi Arabia. They frequently
argue that they are more diverse, more cosmopolitan, and more
moderate than people in other regions of the Kingdom.


11. (C) The amount of antipathy Jeddawi "shabbab" express
towards "bedouin" is remarkable. The most common word used
in the same sentence as "bedouin" by many young Jeddawis is
"stupid." Poloff has heard "shabbab" use the phrase "stupid
bedouin" to refer to rural residents of the Hejaz, Saudis
from the isolated Aseer region of southwestern Saudi Arabia,
and guys they simply don't like. However, the most common
use for the word "bedouin" is to refer to residents of the
central Nejd region, including Riyadh. Of all the regional
differences discussed by young Jeddawis, the sense of rivalry
with, and resentment of, Nejdis is the strongest. Young
Jeddawis at once look down on Nejdis as less educated and
unsophisticated, while simultaneously feeling discriminated
against by them. Young Jeddawis often complain that Nejdis
"control" institutions like the government, military, and
judiciary, and that Nejdis are favored for involvement in
political institutions and the federal government. "The
bedouin control everything. If I wanted to be an officer in
the army, or rise up in the government, it is much harder for
me," one Jeddawi student recently told Poloff. Jeddah
"shabbab" also resent being called "tarsh bahr" (roughly,
"what the sea threw out," or "vomit of the sea") by some of
their Nejdi counterparts, a reference to the immigrant roots
of many Hejazis. For many young Jeddawis, the phrase "tarsh
bahr" is emblematic of the perceived discrimination they
claim to face from Nejdis.


12. (C) However, Jeddah's young men are equally ready to
discriminate against Nejdis. As Post has often reported,
young men in Jeddah frequently blame "bedouin" from the
central region of the Kingdom for a host of the country's
problems, from domestic terrorism to unemployment to Saudis
fighting in Iraq. For example, during one road trip,
students were vocal in exhibiting prejudice against the
bedouin (Ref. D). Several students used slurs they normally
reserve for homosexuals in discussing them. Others blamed
the bedouin for the country's problems and for discrimination
against residents of the Hejaz, many of whom trace their
roots from outside the Arabian Peninsula. "They think they
are the original Saudis, and they hate everybody else," one
student said. "Bedouin are stupid people. They are not
educated, but somehow they have learned to make bombs,"
another added, blaming Nejdis for domestic terrorism in the
Kingdom. Discussing the phenomenon of Saudi young men
traveling to Iraq to join terrorist groups, another group of
young men also focused on "bedouin" (Ref. K). "The people
going to Iraq, they are going to be mostly from the villages,
the bedouin," one young man stated. "If someone goes from
Jeddah, they are from an ignorant family, like the bedouin,
because it is easy to manipulate them."

YEARNING FOR SOCIAL OUTLETS, YOUNG MEN STILL STICK TO EARLY
MARRIAGE AND FATHERHOOD


13. (C) Jeddah's "shabbab" often complain that they are
targeted by police and security guards who attempt to keep
them out of popular entertainment venues like malls,
amusement parks, bowling alleys, and water parks. Many of
these venues are restricted to "families only," which
essentially blocks young, single men from using them. As
Post reported last year, the enthusiasm among "shabbab" that
greeted Mecca Governor Prince Abd al-Majeed's spring 2005
edict that young men could enter the region's malls and
entertainment venues without their families was quickly
dashed as police officers and security guards continued to
restrict their access. When Saudi newspapers carried the
announcement of the prince's decree, one journalist declared:
"Single men have reason to celebrate. The days of being
hounded by security guards to keep them out of families-only
malls are finally over. Bachelors in the Mecca region

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couldn't believe their luck" (Ref. L). However, when young
men continued to report difficulty entering many
entertainment venues and the "mafee shabbab" (no guys) signs
in front of many private businesses didn't come down, Jeddawi
"shabbab" routinely expressed their frustration to Poloff.
"If they don't give us things to do, we will do bad things,"
was a common refrain (NOTE: Poloff has occasionally been
blocked from entering malls and entertainment venues by
security guards stating "mafee shabbab," as well. END NOTE).



14. (C) As Post has often reported, the lack of entertainment
options for young, single men has helped lead to social
practices, ranging from the increasing popularity of drag
racing to harassing women on city streets, that older
Jeddawis often cite as evidence that Jeddawi youth are "lost"
(Refs. M & N). Despite evidence of increasing anti-social
behavior among Jeddah young men, including crime, vandalism,
and harassment, the vast majority of young men Poloff has
encountered stress their loyalty to traditional Saudi social
institutions like marriage, often at an early age, and
fatherhood. Saudi young men talk about their desire to get
married and have children far more often than their American
counterparts, and express their eagerness to be good fathers
(Ref. O). Their reasoning for getting married generally
centers on the desire to avoid intimate relationships outside
marriage that they believe violate Islam's teachings and to
follow Saudi cultural traditions that place marriage and
family at the center of life. "Getting married makes you
more stable, a better person," one young man told Poloff.
Discussing his desire to have children, a 21-year-old added:
"I want to have kids more than I want to have a wife. I want
to be a father, to pass on my experiences, to make a
difference" (NOTE: While social stigma makes it unusual for
gay Saudis to openly discuss their sexuality with other
Saudis and fellow Muslims, Consulate officers have met openly
gay young Saudi men in Jeddah, an aspect of Jeddawi social
life that is rarely discussed openly in mainstream circles
but which is most certainly part of Jeddah's social fabric.
END NOTE).

ISLAM AT CENTER OF LIFE


15. (C) Whether wearing traditional Saudi thobes or baggy
jeans with backwards baseball caps, whether getting married
at 21 or chasing women on Tahlia Street, and whether calling
their friends on Friday mornings to wake them up for Friday
prayers or experimenting with alcohol on the weekends,
Jeddah's young men are openly religious and speak frequently
about the centrality of Islam to their lives. Jeddah young
men would frequently interrupt their activities to perform
the daily prayers on time. For example, even during a race
to hike up Hada Mountain, the young men stopped what they
were doing at prayer time, performing the prayers on the bare
ground. Saudi young men also tend to follow a literalist
interpretation of Koranic teaching. For example, when Poloff
has asked young Jeddawis for proof that "jinni," whose
existence is often cited by young men in their daily
conversations, exist in the physical world, Poloff nearly
always has heard the same answer from young Saudis: "Of
course they exist. It is written in the Koran" (Ref. R).
Moreover, in a common question posed to Poloff, one student
asked: "If it is written in the Koran, then how can we not
accept it?"


16. (C) As consistently reflected in Post reporting, Islam is
at the center of many conversations on political or social
topics. The centrality of religion to Jeddawi young people
was perhaps best summed up by a Jeddawi student on a recent
trip by Poloff to Mecca's Um al-Qura University (Ref. P).
Discussing the ongoing controversy over cartoons of the
Prophet Muhammad originally printed in some Danish and
Norwegian newspapers, the young man, who was wearing jeans
and appears decidedly secular in his outlook on many matters,
stated: "Ya akhee (my brother),why don't they say they are
sorry? If they make fun of our religion, we are nothing,
because we are nothing without our religion."

"SHABBAB" HAVE COMPLICATED FEELINGS ABOUT AMERICA


17. (C) Despite frequent criticism of American foreign
policy, US involvement in Iraq, and alleged American bias
towards Israel, Jeddah's young men clearly still relate to
the US and the American people. This is in large part due to
the heavy influence of American movies, music, and popular

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culture on Jeddawi youth. When Poloff asked young Jeddawi
men what their favorite television program is, they responded
on numerous occasions with answers like "Oprah" and
"Friends." "We know America, we know about Americans because
of all the movies," one student recently told Poloff. Citing
the popularity of American popular culture in Saudi Arabia,
one young man noted: "America has many ways of ruling the
world, and movies are the best way." Even attitudes towards
American foreign policy are complicated. For example, while
many young Saudis readily criticize American "interference"
in Iraq, some others have urged to Poloff that the USG
"interfere" in Saudi Arabia to push political reform. In one
common exchange, a young man asked Poloff if the US had plans
to "interfere" in Saudi Arabia. When Poloff told him the US
never intends to interfere in any country, he pointed to his
friend. "No, I just told my friend yesterday I hope the
Americans interfere in Saudi Arabia. You need to change
things here." (Ref. N). In addition, while American foreign
policy, particularly regarding Iraq and the
Israeli/Palestinian conflict, is clearly unpopular among most
young Jeddawis, that unpopularity rarely translated into
hatred of individual Americans among the "shabbab" Poloff
met. One recent encounter is particularly memorable. While
visiting the gritty "sina-iyya" (industrial) district in
eastern Jeddah, Poloff met a young Saudi mechanic who spoke
almost no English. Shyly walking up to Poloff, he put his
hand on his heart and said: "Inta Amerik-ee? (You are
American?). I am peace."


18. (C) CONCLUSION. Jeddawis of all ages agree that the
current generation of Saudi young men are significantly
different from their fathers. Growing up in an era of
significant turmoil for Saudi society including two Gulf
wars, the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, the rise of a
domestic terrorist network in the Kingdom, and attempts at
political and social reform by the SAG, Jeddah's "shabbab"
face substantial challenges in defining the future course of
their city and country. Humbled by increased competition for
jobs and resources in a country with a rapidly growing
population, Jeddah's young men frequently tell Poloff they
realize their lives will be more difficult than their
fathers'. Acutely aware that many Saudis dismiss them as "a
lost generation" and many foreigners associate Saudi young
men with terrorism, Jeddawi "shabbab" often close ranks and
defend each other in the face of criticism. To hear their
side of the story, they are a generation of young men
pursuing their life goals in an increasingly difficult and
complicated world, anxious to make their God, their fathers,
and their country proud. END CONCLUSION.
Gfoeller