Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
06HOCHIMINHCITY229
2006-03-03 10:37:00
CONFIDENTIAL
Consulate Ho Chi Minh City
Cable title:  

(SBU) HCMC NEWSPAPERS PUSH BOUNDS OF POLITICAL DEBATE

Tags:  PGOV PREL SOCI PHUM VM LABOR DPOL HUMANR 
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031037Z Mar 06

ACTION EAP-00 

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 ------------------9D0E53 031034Z /38 
FM AMCONSUL HO CHI MINH CITY
TO SECSTATE WASHDC 0502
INFO AMEMBASSY HANOI 
ASEAN MEMBER COLLECTIVE
AMCONSUL HO CHI MINH CITY
C O N F I D E N T I A L HO CHI MINH CITY 000229 

SIPDIS


E.O. 12958: DECL: 3/3/16
TAGS: PGOV PREL SOCI PHUM VM LABOR DPOL HUMANR
SUBJECT: (SBU) HCMC NEWSPAPERS PUSH BOUNDS OF POLITICAL DEBATE

REF: A) HCMC 218; B) HCMC 31; C) 05 HCMC 1151; D) 05 HCMC 1155; D) 05 HCMC 55

CLASSIFIED BY: Robert Silberstein, Political Officer, ConGen
HCMC, State Department.
REASON: 1.4 (d)

CLASSIFIED BY: Consul General Seth Winnick
REASON: 1.4 (d)

C O N F I D E N T I A L HO CHI MINH CITY 000229

SIPDIS


E.O. 12958: DECL: 3/3/16
TAGS: PGOV PREL SOCI PHUM VM LABOR DPOL HUMANR
SUBJECT: (SBU) HCMC NEWSPAPERS PUSH BOUNDS OF POLITICAL DEBATE

REF: A) HCMC 218; B) HCMC 31; C) 05 HCMC 1151; D) 05 HCMC 1155; D) 05 HCMC 55

CLASSIFIED BY: Robert Silberstein, Political Officer, ConGen
HCMC, State Department.
REASON: 1.4 (d)

CLASSIFIED BY: Consul General Seth Winnick
REASON: 1.4 (d)


1. (C) Summary: Although all of HCMC's newspaper are subject
to Party control and censorship, two of its leading national
dailies -- Tuoi Tre and Thanh Nien -- have become more
assertive, even on some political matters. The newspapers,
financially independent, politically well-connected, and
increasingly professionally staffed, are challenging some Party
red lines. They are reporting more vigorously and objectively
on a wide range of sensitive issues. Tuoi Tre has become the de
facto voice of the reform camp in the run up to the 10th Party
Congress. The two newspapers have pushed the envelope of
permissible political discussion, although this political debate
is modest by Western standards. End Summary.

Introduction: HCMC's News Dailies
--------------


2. (U) Communist Party doctrine calls for newspapers to be
"tools of the Party, a forum for the people." All of HCMC's
newspapers are affiliated directly with the Party or with mass
organizations under Party control such as the Fatherland Front
or Women's Union. The newspaper with the widest circulation in
HCMC is the "Cong An Thanh Pho Ho Chi Minh" (HCMC Police),with
over 500,000 copies daily. A true tabloid, the paper features
coverage of blood-and-gore crimes, prostitution rings and street
violence. "Phu Nu HCMC" (HCMC Women),administered by the
Women's Union, has a circulation of 200,000, but sticks to a
narrow social agenda. The bland and statist "Saigon Giai Phong"
(Saigon Liberation) -- the Party's official mouthpiece in HCMC
-- has a declared circulation of 80,000, but is largely
distributed to Government and Party offices and State-owned
enterprises. Other specialized HCMC dailies include the
Vietnamese and English-language editions of the Saigon Economic
Times, and the business news daily Saigon Times. There are two

religious newspapers in HCMC: "Giac Ngo" (Englightenment) and
"Cong Giao va Dan Toc" (Catholicism and the Nation),with very
limited circulation.


3. (SBU) Over the past few years, Tuoi Tre, with a circulation
of 370,000, and Thanh Nien, with a circulation of 200,000, have
emerged as more objective and professional -- and popular --
voices on the HCMC media scene. The two dailies, technically
under the HCMC Youth Union and Youth Federation, respectively,
have spearheaded open debate on a variety of issues such as
education, the business environment, state monopolies, official
corruption, land laws, night club regulations, transportation
and protection of intellectual property rights. Tuoi Tre in
particular has risked publishing articles by pro-reform
activists, especially in the run-up to the 10th Party Congress.

Government and Party Control....
--------------


4. (C) In theory, all newspapers must take instruction from
their parent organizations. Each newspaper also has its own
Party cell; the Secretary of that Party cell acts as a
quasi-political commissar and often sits on the newspaper's
editorial board. Additionally, the party's Ideology and Culture
Committee, both locally in HCMC and in Hanoi, closely oversees
the content and political and editorial tone of HCMC's dailies.
The Ideology and Culture Committee organizes weekly meetings
with all senior newspaper editors. In these meetings, Party
representatives review the past week's editions, criticize or
praise newspapers on what they have published and give
"directions" on how to report on key social, domestic and
foreign policy issues. A Party insider tells us that a common
reproach is that Tuoi Tre and Thanh Nien are too negative about
the Party and the GVN, and fail to build a "constructive mood in
society."

....Leads to Overt Censorship
--------------


5. (C) Our contacts within the industry told us of a number of
recent incidents in which the Party clamped down or altered how
the HCMC press managed news and advertising:

-- In December 2005, Tuoi Tre ran a report of violent land
disputes in China between police and villagers. The Party's
Ideology and Culture Committee reprimanded the paper, which
stopped reporting on the matter. (Comment: Although smaller in
scale, conflicts over land and land compensation are often a
source of friction and resentment between ordinary Vietnamese
and GVN and Party officials.)

-- HCMC's two major dailies ran extensive, early coverage of the
January 2005 confrontation between Vietnamese fishermen and the
Chinese Navy in the Gulf of Tonkin, in which eight Vietnamese
fishermen were killed. Reporting was hostile in tone,
describing in detail the anguish of the deceased's families.
Within a week, the central-level Committee for Culture and
Ideology Committee sent a directive ordering discontinuation of
reporting so that the GVN could quietly settle the matter with
China. The newspapers complied, albeit grudgingly, according to
our contacts.

-- HCMC's "Nguoi Lao Dong" (Workers' Daily) took the lead in
reporting on a series of strikes at foreign-owned enterprises in
industrial zones in HCMC and neighboring provinces (Refs A and
B). The newspaper was sympathetic to worker grievances and
leaked a GVN decision to raise the minimum wage. The paper
allegedly used its trucks to distribute newspapers to striking
workers. In addition to pressure from the Party, which
criticized the paper for its activism, Nguoi Lao Dong's Chief
Editor was criticized by HCMC People's Committee Standing Vice
Chairman Nguyen Thien Nhan and ordered to "report wisely."
Following the meeting, the newspaper ceased focusing on employee
grievances and instead began calling for calm and joint efforts
to find a solution to the unrest.

-- To promote its latest model of the Mondeo, Ford Vietnam ran a
series of ads in major HCMC newspapers, featuring the White
House and an American flag as background. Party authorities
reportedly banned the ad. After Ford replaced the background
with other symbols, the ad ran smoothly.


6. (C) Reporters who are invited to study or participate in
activities abroad such as the International Visitor Program must
seek approval from their parent organization as well as the
Party's Ideology Committee. According to some of our IV
candidates, the invitee can be expected to be grilled on
clandestine linkages or personal arrangements with the inviting
organization. In major newspapers, reporters' passports are
held by their parent organizations and released only a few days
before a trip (if the person is allowed to go),and retrieved a
few days after return. If the nature of the trip is considered
particularly sensitive, approval must come from Hanoi. In one
case, a reporter from Thanh Nien invited to take part in
"Counter Terrorism and U.S. Foreign Policies" IV program had to
be approved by Deputy Prime Minister Vu Khoan.

....And Self-Censorship
--------------


7. (C) After decades of Party "direction," reporters and
editors have a good sense of where the red lines are; they tell
us that they routinely self-censor to avoid subsequent problems.
For example, political arrests and trials do not get reported
unless explicitly approved by the Party. Reports of domestic
unrest, such as protests in the Central Highlands, are only
covered well after they take place, and are spun to support the
Party line that the "instigators had admitted their mistakes."
Editors focus on ensuring appropriate size and placement of
photos and news about Party and GVN leaders. International
affairs reporters know better than to refer to hunger in North
Korea. The color revolutions in Eastern Europe were reported as
major international events, but pro-democracy NGOs were accused
of conspiring to cause upheaval.


8. (C) Although press coverage of corruption has increased, even
seasoned and professional reporters are reluctant to push many
investigations to their logical conclusion. One reporter told
us that he could easily identify the many and lavish properties
belonging to the Party elite and their children, but "would not
dare" to file a report. No editor would touch the story in any
case, the reporter said. In late 2005, Tuoi Tre published a
series of articles on the near-collapse of a key bridge in
downtown HCMC, linking the issue to corruption in the
contracting process. The director of the building company
responsible for the bridge's construction is a younger brother
of HCMC People's Committee Chairman Le Thanh Hai, but his name
was omitted from the series of articles. After the city moved
quickly to repair the damage, press coverage was dropped.

Changing Tide?
--------------


9. (C) Despite the pressure and self-censorship, Thanh Nien and
Tuoi Tre have become somewhat more assertive. Both papers are
financially independent. They also are cash cows for their
administering bodies. For example, in 2004, Thanh Nien provided
12 billion VND (over USD 750,000) to the central-level Youth
Union, topping the list of contributors. The two papers also
flex their financial muscle to build popularity by supporting
local charity and scholarship initiatives.


10. (C) As the newspapers' financial strength rests on sales,
editors recognize that the desires of the Party must be balanced
against demands from the general public for greater and more

objective coverage of pocketbook issues such as land
registration, water supply, taxes, healthcare and education.
Invariably, problems, and the subsequent media's focus involve,
corruption and Government mismanagement. In Vietnam's opaque
political system, Tuoi Tre and Thanh Nien feed off political and
personal rivalries within the Party. Scandals "uncovered" by
the press often come from tip-offs from police with the support
from groups or individuals in the Party or Government.


11. (C) Tuoi Tre and Thanh Nien have many staff members who are
relatively young with an open worldview. They have no direct
"American War" experience. Their formative years were in the
poverty-stricken, post-war period of Marxist-Leninist orthodoxy
in Vietnam. They value Doi Moi -- economic reform -- and want
to see the process continue. Some have studied journalism in
Europe, Australia and the United States. Among them are a few
Fulbrighters, Humphrey Fellows and IV grantees. (Thus far, the
Party has not permitted Tuoi Tre journalists to travel on the IV
program.) A number of journalists have described to us their
ambition to be as independent and professional as their
colleagues overseas. They routinely bypass GVN firewalls to
read blocked websites (including Radio Free Asia and Voice of
America),although they cannot cite or use information from
these sources. Our contacts are annoyed by the constraints that
the Party places on them and want to speed up the slow pace of
change. Senior editors see their futures in building strong
print and Internet news companies that they could profit from
when they are eventually equitized.

Pushing the Envelope: Tuoi Tre in the Lead
--------------


12. (C) Although the Party has periodically attempted to rein in
Tuoi Tre, going as far as to replace its Chief Editor in June
2003, its coverage remains progressive. For example, it
showcased former Prime Minister Vo Van Kiet's calls for
aggressive political and economic reform (Ref C),resisted
direct orders from Hanoi to attack democracy activist Hoang Minh
Chinh (Ref D) and organized an unprecedented defense of one of
its journalists (Lan Anh) after police accused her of "revealing
State secrets" when covering the GVN role in steep price hikes
in medicine.


13. (C) In the immediate run up to the 10th Party Congress, Tuoi
Tre has further pushed the envelope of permissible political
discourse. In January, after considering the matter for a
number of months, the newspaper ran a three-part series by
Nguyen Trung, a former Vietnamese Ambassador to Thailand and
aide to former Prime Minister Kiet. Trung argued that the Party
lacks the intellectual and moral capacity to cope with new
challenges, and requires urgent reform or risks losing power.
In one article, he noted that "the Party is a leader, not the
entity that holds all power." In another, he criticized the
lack of political pluralism in Vietnam. The newspaper followed
up by printing readers' feedback in support of Trung. Within a
few weeks, conservatives in the Party, including former head of
the Central Party's Ideology and Culture Committee Tran Trong
Tan, reportedly attacked the newspaper and Trung in private
Party meetings, according to a Party contact. Newspaper
insiders tell us that, for several weeks following the internal
Party critique, Tuoi Tre management backed off, refusing to
publish a "fiercely critical" article by a reformist, former
HCMC People's Committee Chairman Vo Viet Thanh, and an article
advocating a multi-party system by Vice Chairman of the HCMC Bar
Association Le Cong Dinh. (Dinh's article was later published
by the BBC's Vietnamese news service.)


14. (C) By mid-February, Tuoi Tre was back at it. It printed an
article by a former Director of the Ho Chi Minh Political
Academy arguing in favor of Marxist orthodoxy, but used the
Director's call for strengthened debate of the Party Congress'
draft political report as an opening to run a series of opinion
pieces pillorying the director's views. One such commentary,
written by a founder of a private bank and former Chairman of
the Vietnam IT Association, entitled "Who Exploits Whom," lauded
the role of capitalists in building a modern Vietnam. (Contacts
in the paper told us that Tuoi Tre's editors reportedly took the
highly unusual step of signing a private statement indicating
that they all agreed with the publication of the piece.) The
newspaper also published a warm profile of Le Cong Dinh as a
model Vietnamese professional days after Dinh was privately
warned by the Party's Internal Security Committee to desist from
publishing new articles on political pluralism.


15. (C) Thanh Nien has been more careful in the type and tone of
articles that it publishes. Nonetheless, it leans towards
reform. Thanh Nien's more cautious approach is a direct
reflection of the discretion of its Chief Editor Nguyen Cong
Khe, who has run the paper for the past 21 years. The
fifty-two-year-old Khe is a true political survivor and has
allies in both the reform and conservative camps. He is
reported to have a close relationship with Politburo members
HCMC Party Secretary Nguyen Minh Triet and Minister of Public
Security Le Long Anh. Khe hired the son of Nguyen Van Chi,

Chief of the Central Committee's Internal Politics Protection
Bureau, who is currently the head of the international news
section of the paper.


16. (C) Comment: The quantity and style of public discourse in
Tuoi Tre is unprecedented in HCMC; a few years back, it would
have been unheard of for a newspaper to publish articles that
even tacitly raised the idea of political pluralism or had
provocative titles such as "Who's Exploiting Whom."
Nonetheless, the Party has deep reservoirs of power and can
clamp down on Tuoi Tre if it gets too far out of line. For its
part, Tuoi Tre has been exceedingly careful and deliberate in
expanding the debate one red line at a time, even as it pushes
to open new space for discussion of reform and greater press
freedom. Thus, while some tenets of Marxism-Leninism have come
under fire, the primacy of the Party and Vietnam's "socialist
orientation" remain taboos. End Comment.
WINNICK


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