GHA Part 3: The May Fourth Movement and

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 GUANGZHOU 020891

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STATE FOR EAP/CM AND DRL

E.O. 12958: DECL: 07/06/16
TAGS: PHUM PGOV SOCI CH
SUBJECT: GHA Part 3: The May Fourth Movement and
Contemporary Chinese Activism

REF: A) Guangzhou 20890 B) Guangzhou 18191


1. (U) Classified by Acting Consul General William Martin.
Reason 1.4 (d).

Summary
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2. (C) A recent meeting with two pro-democracy activists
revealed significant aspects of contemporary Chinese
activism. These activists, involved with the magazine
"Citizen" and the Guangdong Humanistic Association, are
disillusioned with the current state of politics in China.
They claim to rely on the "common" people to encourage
political change, while at the same time striving to teach
these people how to be modern citizens. They also seek to
awaken the Chinese people out of their "numb" state. Their
brand of protest is clearly rooted in the activist
tradition of twentieth-century China. The two men's
backgrounds are very different -- one is a long-time
activist, the other comes from within the Communist Party
political system -- and it is significant that they now
work together towards a common goal. End Summary.


3. (C) On June 29, Hao Yuanwen, the publisher of the
magazine "Citizen" ("Shimin") and the president of the
Guangdong Humanistic Association (GHA),and his advisor,
Yao Yuanguang, outlined their motivation for establishing
China's first and only privately funded magazine (refs A
and B). Though these activists' specific pro-democracy
activities are based on the current political situation in
China, they nevertheless work within a historical context
of one hundred years of Chinese activism. This third cable,
in a series of cables on the GHA, examines the goals and
compromises of two participants in contemporary Chinese
pro-democracy activism. By studying these men's ideals and
inspirations, we may add to our understanding of what
comprises contemporary Chinese pro-democracy activism.

Focus on Intellectuals and Print Media - The May Fourth
Movement as Inspiration
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4. (C) Hao and Yao explained that the primary historical
inspiration for their magazine is the May Fourth Movement
of 1919 and surrounding years, in particular the magazine
"New Youth," which was published from 1915 to 1926. During
that time a culture of print media evolved, in which
intellectuals shared their ideas through newsletters and
magazines. It was during this period that the link between
intellectuals, print media, and political change was
established in China. "New Youth," founded by Chen Duxiu
and the most popular of many magazines supporting democracy,
was a key element of the ferment that accompanied the May
Fourth Movement. "New Youth" demanded political change and
self-determination for the newly realized Chinese nation.
By claiming that "New Youth" is the primary inspiration for
"Citizen," Hao and Yao demonstrate a clear link between
present and past activism.


5. (C) Many of the political concepts that Hao and Yao
expressed echo similar notions that existed during the May
Fourth period. First, they claimed to rely on the Chinese
people for political change, yet at the same time they
sought to educate the people on how to behave like modern
citizens. Hao and Yao said they regard their efforts, and
the purpose of "Citizen," as part of a "supplementary"
lesson, so that the Chinese people can catch up.
Intellectuals during May Fourth also regarded themselves as
teachers of the people. Second, in a previous meeting they
claimed their mission is to awaken the Chinese people from
their "numb" state (ref B),just as earlier Chinese
activists did. In contemporary China, this numb state
means a focus on selfish desires for money in the new
capitalist system, complacency with the current government,
and the "crony capitalism" of the CCP. In early twentieth
century China, it meant an inability to see that China must
modernize and enter the world of nation-states, instead of
remaining mired in its feudal society. (Lu Xun's stories
"The Diary of a Madman" and "The True Story of Ah Q," well
known among Chinese intellectuals, are two of the most
famous examples of this kind of May Fourth sentiment.) The
belief that China must awaken persists in the Chinese
culture of protest. Indeed, the lingering influence of the
May Fourth Movement reveals itself not in these activists'
specific goals and practices, but in their spirit of change,
and their impatience with the apparent inability of the
Chinese political system to move past its feudal roots.


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Politics Makes for Strange Bedfellows
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6. (C) Hao and Yao come from very different political
backgrounds, yet they have come together, in what appears
to be a warm and respectful relationship, to work towards
the common goal of democracy in China. Professionally, Hao
is very successful: he is a retired military official with
37 years of government service and 33 years of CCP
membership. He is a successful businessman, manages a
separate office building, and drives a nice car with
government plates. Personally, he maintains many high-
level contacts in the military and Guangdong government (he
believes his magazine can exist partly due to his
relationship (guanxi) with these contacts). Hao has worked
within the established political system for his entire
career, and could have chosen a comfortable life as a
retired senior member of the CCP. Instead, due to
disillusionment with the system, he is willing to risk
change and reform.


7. (C) In contrast, Yao, an international relations
professor at South China Normal University, has been
involved with pro-democracy protest in China for a number
of years. At a previous meeting he said he was involved in
the Tiananmen demonstrations of 1989, and is a friend of
Wang Dan, now in exile in the United States. Dissent has
long been a part of Yao's career, as opposed to Hao, who
has worked within the system. Yet these two men now appear
to have a warm relationship, and both rely on the other for
certain needs. Hao, for example, seems respectful of Yao's
intellectual credentials, his familiarity with the culture
of protest in China, and his command of English. And Yao
constantly reminded Congenoffs that Hao is a great
contributor to the pro-democracy effort in China, and
"Citizen" would not be possible without his support.

Comment
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8. (C) Hao and Yao, like many Chinese intellectuals
throughout the twentieth century, spend a good deal of time
debating abstract political theories and seeking ideal
theoretical methods to undertake political change. Their
focus on educating "the people," while commendable, will be
difficult to achieve if "Citizen" continues to circulate
only among a select group of educated Chinese. Without a
practical plan for change, their effort may stall. The
addition of people like Hao, with his CCP experience, could
be a positive step toward keeping the pro-democracy effort
from being short lived. However, despite what Hao brings
to the table, both Hao and Yao appear to lack practical
media business experience, and the GHA may quickly run out
of funds. Nevertheless, that these two men, despite their
different backgrounds, are able to work together shows the
possibility for flexibility within the Chinese pro-
democracy movement. Indeed, the union of activists and
insiders may yield the best chance for Chinese political
reform. Hao and Yao's friendship is a sign that this kind
of union is possible. End comment.

MARTIN