TABLIGH-E-JAMAAT: ISLAMIC REVIVALISM STRIKING DEEP

S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 05 DHAKA 003538

SIPDIS

SIPDIS

STATE FOR INR

E.O. 12958: DECL: 06/11/2016
TAGS: PGOV PINR PINS PTER BG
SUBJECT: TABLIGH-E-JAMAAT: ISLAMIC REVIVALISM STRIKING DEEP
ROOTS IN BANGLADESH

Classified By: Ambassador Patricia Butenis; reason 1.4(d)


1. (S) Summary. Tabligh-e-Jamaat (TJ) is a transnational
Islamic missionary movement that has deep roots in
Bangladesh. Its followers here probably number in the
millions, and the organization's influence extends to every
corner of the country. The most unique feature of TJ is its
emphasis on dawa (missionary work) undertaken by laymen
organized into small groups (jamaats) that conduct 40 days of
itinerant preaching (chillas). Much has been written about
Tablighi revivalism, but very little on TJ in Bangladesh.
Based primarily on poloff tdyer's interactions with
Tablighis, this cable is an initial attempt to establish a
baseline on the subject.


2. (S) TJ-Bangladesh is overseen by a 12-member collective
leadership, or shura, that lives at Kakrail mosque, a beehive
of religious fervor in downtown Dhaka. Belying the impression
that TJ is organizationally challenged, poloff discovered an
intricate and effective organizational network based on
madrassa ties, kinship networks (gushti),and a shared
dedication to the Tablighi mission. All who participate in
Bangladeshi chillas start and finish at Kakrail. Foreigners
from dozens of countries were residing at Kakrail on the
several occasions that poloff visited. Poloff then
participated in a local chilla for 24 hours. This brief foray
into the largely subterranean Tablighi world revealed only
the most positive aspects of a movement that is wildly
popular, avowedly apolitical, and concerned solely with the
salvation of Muslims. That was no surprise. As we have
learned in other countries, however, Tablighi can become a
target of opportunity for Islamic radicals who use the
organization to advance their own anti-western agendas. Most
Tablighis here are extremely naive about worldly matters and
present an easy target for unscrupulous elements to dupe.


3. Bangladeshi press reports have alleged that terrorists
filter through Kakrail, but the rumors are unsubstantiated.
Bangladeshi Tablighis are aware of the potential for
problems, however, as evidenced by the screening that chilla
participants allegedly go through in their home countries and
at Kakrail and the meticulous records that are kept on
foreigners arriving on chilla. Moreover, Tablighis are well
aware of western suspicions of the organization because of
the difficulty they have obtaining visas for Islamic
missionary work. That said, the organization bears careful
watching to ensure that its activities are confined to dawa
alone. End summary.

A WIDESPREAD BUT LITTLE STUDIED MOVEMENT IN BANGLADESH
-------------- --------------


4. (C) Tabligh-e-Jamaat (TJ, also known as
Jamaat-i-Tabligh in most countries) is a transnational
Islamic missionary movement that has deep roots in
Bangladesh. Its followers here probably number in the
millions, and Bangladeshis from all walks of life are
attracted to the simple instruction of its founder: "o
Musalmano, Musalman bano" ("o Muslims, become good Muslims").
Formed in 1926 in northern India, the movement was a counter
to aggressive Hindu and Christian proselytizing among
"backsliding" Muslims who did not adhere to or were unaware
of the basic tenets of Islam and were easy prey for other
faiths. Although Tablighis certainly welcome newcomers to the
faith, their focus is reawakening Muslims and purifying the
faith, not conversion. TJ appeals to Sunni Muslims of any
sectarian persuasion by emphasizing the importance of
elementary religious rituals such as five daily prayers and
reciting the profession of faith (shahada).


5. (C) The most unique feature of TJ is its emphasis on
dawa (missionary work) undertaken by laymen organized into
small groups (jamaats) that conduct 40 days of itinerant
preaching (chillas). TJ proselytizers reach out to every
corner of Bangladesh, and the Biswas Ijtema (global
gathering) convened annually on the outskirts of Dhaka is the
world's second largest Islamic conclave after the hajj.
Although it remains a South Asia-based movement with a strong
following in many parts of the subcontinent, TJ also has
caught on in a major way in Southeast Asia, Africa, and among
Muslim minorities in Europe and North America. Indeed,

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Bangladeshis who have the financial wherewithal to conduct
foreign travel love to list the countries where they have
gone on chilla. Many affluent Bangladeshis, it appears, have
gone on missions to the United States. According to
knowledgeable Bangladeshi observers, TJ's revivalist message
resonates across all social strata from humble peasants to
lower middle class urbanites to pious sections of the elite
and professional classes. TJ appears to have particular
appeal among scientists, lower level bureaucrats, and
sections of the military.


6. (S) Much has been written about Tablighi revivalism
elsewhere. Moreover, the US intelligence community has
standing collection requirements against Tablighi activities
around the world to determine whether TJ branches serve as
witting or unwitting accomplices of international terrorists
who use the organization's global connections to recruit
members and travel under the cover of missionary work. Very
little is known about TJ operations in Bangladesh, however.
Consequently, this cable is an initial attempt to establish
an analytical baseline. Sources used include press and
intelligence reporting, interviews with Bangladeshi
academics, an unpublished field study written by a US
academic contractor, and the firsthand observations of poloff
tdyer who ventured into the TJ nerve center in Bangladesh and
accompanied a chilla.

Organization, Politics, and the Role of Women
--------------


7. (C) At first glance, TJ appears to lack coherent
organization. It has no membership rolls or mailing lists, no
written constitution or bylaws, no fundraising apparatus, no
computers, and no slick publicity. The central headquarters
is in Nizamuddin in Delhi, and the major subsidiary hubs are
in Raiwand outside Lahore and at the Kakrail mosque in
downtown Dhaka. TJ-Bangladesh is overseen by a 12-member
collective leadership, or shura, that lives at Kakrail. These
elders convene consultative sessions (mashuras) that decide
the composition of jamaats, chart chilla destinations, and
guide TJ activities around the country. According to a
contractor study, the Bangladeshi shura consists of retired
professionals with modern educations--including a CEO of the
largest Islamic NGO in the health sector-- and clerics and
Islamic scholars (ulema) with modest theological credentials.
Poloff tdyer met three shura members. They included a
renowned heart surgeon who devoted most of his time to the
organization and two white-bearded former businessmen who
lead an ascetic lifestyle in total dedication to the Tablighi
cause. As during the hajj, pilgrims all dress in simple
Islamic garments and sport beards and skull caps, making it
impossible to pick out those who are well-heeled or highly
educated. Tablighis of all nationalities welcomed poloff (a
non-muslim) with open arms.


8. (C) Belying the impression that TJ is organizationally
challenged, poloff discovered an intricate and effective
organizational network that has been perfected over decades.
Madrassa ties, kinship networks (gushti),and a shared
dedication to the Tablighi mission provide organizational
cohesion in the absence of a formal structure. Subordinate TJ
branches are based in outlying mosques (markazes, or centers)
and headed by a local leader (amir) elected by consensus
(ijma). These units in turn oversee other participating
mosques in a given neighborhood, town, or village. The
organizers of these local units are required to spend every
Thursday night in the markaz where the shura discusses chilla
invitations and relays news of local jamaats to the Kakrail
shura. Poloff inspected Kakrail lists showing the destination
and duration of every chilla in Bangladesh and a visa
recommendation letter that shura members supply foreign
Tablighis prior to applying for a Bangladeshi visa. In short,
there is a lot more organization to TJ than meets the eye.


9. (C) TJ in Bangladesh is clearly a man's world and a
bastion of conservative Islamic values. Poloff was told about
a TJ women's wing that also conducts missionary work, but it
is a modest effort. Women cannot access the network of TJ
mosques where almost all missionary activities are centered,
and many Tablighi women are further disadvantaged because
they observe strict purdah. TJ theology is based on

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nineteenth century sufi revivalist teachings that flourished
in Bengal and eventually formed the conservative deobandi
school of Islam. In matters of religious beliefs and
practices, TJ emphasizes taqlid (following established
schools of Islamic law) over ijtihad (independent reasoning).
Tablighi commentaries are intended only as supplements to the
Koran and Sunnah. Ever since its inception, TJ has
scrupulously avoided politics and political controversies--a
stance that has earned the organization immense respect in
this society where passionate, zero-sum politics are the
norm. According to the US academic study, those Bangladeshi
Tablighis who bother to vote probably do not support any one
party. All of the Tablighis poloff interacted with had no
interest in world affairs or politics. Politicians from
almost all parties voice support for Tablighi activities, and
the organization carried on even when Islamic parties were
banned following independence in 1971.

All Roads Lead to Kakrail
--------------


10. (C) All who participate in Bangladeshi chillas start
and finish at Kakrail. This mosque is a veritable beehive of
religious fervor. A continuous stream of lay missionaries
from all over the world and from every corner of Bangladesh
circulates through the five-story, dilapidated complex. New
arrivals are vetted and instructed for three or more days in
the Tabligh path before they form into small jamaats of at
least 10 men and are sent on chilla. Several Tablighis
estimated that Kakrail houses about 1,500 pilgrims on any
given day, with several times that number on the road. Owing
to language barriers and the special requirements of foreign
Tablighis who are not accustomed to the hardships of daily
life in Bangladesh, residents set up housekeeping and form
jamaats according to language and nationality, but
Bangla-speaking interpreters and chaperones always accompany
foreign jamaats. A majority of the pilgrims at Kakrail are
Bangladeshis who occupy every inch of floor space when
sleeping and praying. Foreigners have separate halls and
toilet facilities that are equally spartan. Foreigners from
dozens of countries were residing at Kakrail on the several
occasions that poloff visited. One room housed Urdu speakers
from India and Pakistan; another housed Arabs from Yemen,
Egypt, and, because their second language was Arabic, a large
contingent of Chinese Uighurs; yet another room housed
Indonesians, Thais, Rohingyas, and Filipinos. The most
diverse group was English speakers (many of them part of the
South Asian diaspora) from the UK, Australia, South Africa,
Nigeria, Kenya, and elsewhere. Poloff sat in on several
instructional lectures (talim) that were translated into one
or more languages, and the basic Tablighi curriculum (nisab)
is available in multiple languages.


11. (C) Arriving pilgrims report to a ramshackle mosque
office where they surrender their passport and valuables.
Handwritten ledgers that officials gladly invited poloff
tdyer to inspect record the "brother's" name, nationality,
passport number, and visa expiration date. A quick perusal of
the books revealed foreigners from every corner of the earth,
including more than a few Amcits. A brother is then issued a
primitive, hand-stamped identification card. Kakrail has a
crude kitchen and mess hall where pilgrims consume two basic
meals per day from communal dishes set on the floor.
Residents can supplement their diets outside the mosque, but
all are discouraged from indulging in frivolous pursuits such
as newspapers, television, and sightseeing. These are
considered worldly matters (duniya) that detract from a
Tablighi pilgrim's sole focus on religion (din). TJ elders
look the other way, however, when foreigners arrive with cell
phones. Tablighis are expected to bear their own chilla
expenses. When asked about the cost of running the Kakrail
operation, principals denied any fundraising activities,
explaining that matters of duniya are in Allah's hands. One
Tablighi allowed, however, that an adjoining bathing facility
was underwritten by the previous Awami League government to
burnish its Islamic credentials.

Going on Chilla
--------------


12. (C) Poloff participated in a local chilla for 24 hours

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to gain insight into the workings of Tabligh in Bangladesh.
The Kakrail shura had to approve this unusual request, so
poloff befriended a Bangladeshi-American cab driver from
Brooklyn who acted as go-between and vouched for poloff's
good character. The young cabby presented the poloff's case
during the morning mashura, and the elders agreed to the plan
after careful deliberation. Following a religious talk
(bayan) and mid-day prayers, two Kakrail elders whisked
poloff into an autorickshaw that transported the trio to a
small mosque nestled in the rabbit-warren streets of the Wari
section of old Dhaka. The chilla already in progress there
included eight second-generation UK Tablighis of Indian and
Pakistani origin and two young Bangladeshi doctors who acted
as interpreters. The two elders who accompanied poloff stayed
overnight at the mosque to check on the chilla's progress and
make sure their US embassy guest was comfortable. The
language of this jamaat was English, though some of the UK
lads also conversed with Bangladeshis in Urdu, a language
that is widely understood in old Dhaka. The UK brothers
hailed from various English cities. They were all in their
twenties, and included an optometrist, a maulana, a soccer
coach, and students. All were well grounded in Islam because
of their lifelong attendance at maktabs (religious schools)
that followed the normal school day in the British state
education system. All were happy to explain anything poloff
asked about TJ beliefs and practices.


13. (C) The rhythms of a jamaat vary little from one day to
the next, so poloff's observations of a full 24-hour cycle
probably are representative of a typical day on chilla.
Bangladeshi Tablighis travel village to village on foot, but
foreigners use local transport to travel between markazes.
The day begins at 0400 with a mashura to plan the day's
activities, assign washing and cooking chores, and review the
requirements of a particular Islamic ritual to ensure that
all the brothers have the requisite knowledge (ilm) to
instruct Bangladeshis in the ways of the faith. At various
points in the day poloff participated in discussions on
proper Islamic "etiquette" involving ablutions, eating, and
sleeping. One brother would review the fine points. Then, one
after the other, the brothers would repeat the procedures to
drive home the lesson. Other such sessions featured readings
in English from the Tablighi nisab and strategy sessions to
determine the best way to convince the locals to sign up for
a chilla. Every action and word is geared to deepening one's
faith and proselytizing.


14. (C) TJ has six core principles that chilla participants
stress in everything they do throughout the 40 days. Poloff
observed how pilgrims put these concepts into action. The
points include: belief in the profession of faith ("there is
only one god and Muhammad is his prophet"); scrupulous
observance of the five daily prayers (salat),and often
optional prayers as well; remembrance of the prophet (dikr)
and knowledge of Islam (ilm); respect for one's fellow man,
particularly Muslims (ikram); sincerity of intention and
honesty; and, of course, dawa.


15. (C) Following morning prayers, a short nap, and a
simple meal eaten from the communal dish, the brothers set
out in the neighborhood to call on residents in the fashion
of Jehovah's witnesses. The jamaat splits up into small
groups so as to cover more territory on foot. Poloff
accompanied the optometrist on his rounds and called on
several shopkeepers and householders who local Tablighis had
identified as candidates for dawa. The conversations were in
Urdu over the customary tea and snacks and introductions of
children and co-workers (but no contact with women, of
course). Conversation centered on the six points and
concluded with an invitation to the Tablighi sermon that
night following evening prayers at the mosque. Attendance at
that session was excellent. Each brother delivered a sermon
that was translated for the benefit of the congregation.
After several hours of exhortation and prayer, audience
members were invited to stand up and commit to a chilla at a
time of their choosing. That night's appeal was particularly
lucrative. Some 14 believers signed up. Religious discussions
went on until late in the evening when the brothers ate
supper, laid out their bedrolls and mosquito netting on the
mosque floor and retired for a four-hour night's sleep. A
typical day in a chilla thus is grueling and narrowly focused

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on the tasks of spreading the message of Islam and deepening
one's own faith.

Comment
--------------


16. (S) This brief foray into the largely subterranean
Tablighi world revealed only the most positive aspects of a
movement that is wildly popular, avowedly apolitical, and by
all appearances concerned solely with the salvation of
Muslims. That was no surprise. As we have learned in other
countries, however, Tabligh can become a target of
opportunity for Islamic radicals who use the organization to
advance their own anti-western agendas. Most Tablighis here
are extremely naive about worldly matters and present an easy
target for unscrupulous elements to dupe. Bangladeshi press
reports following the 17 August nationwide bombings have
alleged that terrorists filter through Kakrail, but the
rumors are unsubstantiated. Bangladeshi Tablighis are aware
of the potential for problems, however, as evidenced by the
screening that chilla participants allegedly go through in
their home countries and at Kakrail and the meticulous
records that are kept on foreigners arriving on chilla.
Moreover, Tablighis are well aware of Western suspicions of
the organization because of the difficulty they have
obtaining visas for Islamic missionary work. That said, the
organization bears careful watching to ensure that its
activities are confined to dawa alone.
BUTENIS