ROMANIA'S EXTREME NATIONALISTS: A FEW NEW FACES,

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 BUCHAREST 001237

SIPDIS

SIPDIS

STATE DEPT FOR EUR/NCE - BILL SILKWORTH

E.O. 12958: DECL: 08/04/2016
TAGS: PGOV PREL PHUM SOCI RO
SUBJECT: ROMANIA'S EXTREME NATIONALISTS: A FEW NEW FACES,
BUT THE SAME OLD ANGRY IDEAS


Classified By: DCM MARK TAPLIN FOR REASONS 1.4 (B) & (D)


1. (C) Summary: Romania's extreme nationalist political
parties continue to garner between 12-20 percent of public
support, according to opinion polls. Many analysts believe
these groups could gain further support following Romania's
anticipated EU accession in 2007, as the public reacts to
changes brought by EU membership and adjusts to unmet
expectations. Romanian extreme nationalism draws from old
ideas of irredentism, anti-Semitism, staunch support of the
Romanian Orthodox Church, xenephobia (especially against Roma
and ethnic Hungarians) and glorification of Romania's World
War II dictator and pre-war fascist movements. Romania's
extreme nationalist parties also persistently attack
widespread public corruption, a top concern of average
Romanians and an issue that has gained votes for the far
fringes at the expense of mainstream parties. The Greater
Romania Party's (PRM) Corneliu Vadim Tudor continues to lead
the pack of extreme nationalists. After a period of
attempting to portray himself as moderate, he and his party
have begun to drift back towards their extremist roots.
Tudor's new rival in the extreme nationalist camp is
flamboyant soccer club owner Gigi Becali, who literally
purchased his own political party in 2004 as a platform to
promote his ideas and feed his strong personal appetite for
media attention. At the far end of the spectrum is the
increasingly visible "New Right" organization, which
blatantly draws from fascist imagery and attempts to attract
young supporters through rock music and campaigns on
university campuses. End Summary.


2. (C) A July 22 survey released by well-known Romanian
pollster the National Institute for Opinion and Marketing
Studies (INSOMAR) showed continued notable public support for
extreme nationalist politicians and political parties.
According to this most recent INSOMAR poll, some 33 percent
of respondents expressed confidence in extreme nationalist
New Generation Party (PNG) leader Gigi Becali, placing him as
the fourth most trusted political figure in Romania. Roughly
24 percent expressed confidence in PRM leader Corneliu Vadim
Tudor. Some 15 percent of respondents said they would vote
for the PRM if elections were held today; six percent said
they would vote for the PNG, which would exceed the five
percent electoral threshold for putting the party in
parliament. Local analysts have suggested to poloffs that
Romanian respondents typically express more support for
radical candidates in off-years between elections -- one
pollster commented "It's risk free, since you don't have to
actually vote for the guy." At the same time, they also note
the resilience of Vadim Tudor over the years and the new
popularity of Becali.


3. (C) Center for Rural and Urban Sociology (CURS) polling
agency director and analyst Sebastian Lazaroiu opined to
PolChief that both Tudor and Becali could benefit when
Romania "inevitably" has its "post-EU accession hangover."
He assessed that dissatisfaction could arise from the higher
cost of living; the closure of Romanian firms and family
enterprises that cannot compete at a European level; and in
reaction to a new infusion of "foreigners" from other parts
of Europe who buy property and bring new habits and norms.
Rapid change may also lead many Romanians -- particularly in
those areas that benefit least from EU accession -- to find
comfort or continuity in such old ideas such as communism and
fascism. Lazaroiu drew potential parallels to other
countries in Eastern Europe, such as Slovakia, where extreme
nationalist parties have increased in strength and are even
in government. Lazaroiu's assessment has been echoed by a
number of other analysts and mainstream politicians. One
contact wondered about the impact of EU accession on
Romania's rural population, which constitutes roughly 47
percent of the population and remains among the most backward
in Europe.

Tudor and the PRM: Fifteen years of Vitriol
--------------

4. (C) Despite a turbulent 2005 year for Tudor and the PRM,
which included MP defections and the dismissal of several
senior party officials, Tudor retains tight control of
Romania's fourth largest political party and a loyal public
following. On June 17, the PRM organized a large gathering
of supporters (close to 4,500 according to PRM sources) to
celebrate its fifteenth anniversary. In his speech at this
occasion, Tudor -- who had been an official poet for
communst dictator Ceausescu -- described the PRM as a
&miraculous entity that springs like a river from history
and flows into history, far in the future.8 The PRM leader
summarized the short history of the party, recollecting the
days in 1990 when he and others started to publish a weekly
magazine whose name &Romania Mare8 attracted Romanians from

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all over the world like &a magnet.8 Tudor continued his
speech by saying that over the years many have boded ill to
the party, but PRM survived &like the movie character who
never dies, because he is made up of a special dough.8 Tudor
claimed that the party has grown to 300,000 members and had
recently opened a branch in the US, in Arizona.


5. (C) Tudor further claimed that the PRM had established its
credentials as a moderate party. Nonetheless, its
publications continued to carry articles that the local
Jewish community characterized as "blatantly and patently
anti-Semitic." Just as an example, on July 12, his weekly
&Romania Mare8 journal included an unsigned front-page
article deploring the recent destruction of the last statue
in Bucharest of wartime fascist dictator Marshall Ion
Antonescu, known as the primary architect and perpetrator of
the Holocaust in Romania. He blamed the statue's destruction
on noted members of the Jewish community and a presumed
Hungarian government official. In the same publication,
Tudor himself signed an article presenting a revisionist view
of the role of ethnic minorities in Romanian politics. In
the piece, Tudor accused "foreigners" -- specifically Jews,
Hungarians, and Gypsies -- for killing "brave Romanians" at
key junctures in history. The article ended with a warning
to &these minority people... who behave like pigs.8 Tudor
asserted that &time is running out8, and the price they
will pay for their &sins" is nothing but death.


6. (C) Always keen to remain in the media spotlight, over the
summer Tudor also broke ground on the construction of a
private prison, which he claimed he would lease to the state
to house "corrupt" politicians. Among those Tudor asserted
should be detained were former President Constantinescu,
former PRM Jewish Advisor Nati Meir, and several prominent
Social Democratic Party (PSD) politicians involved in
corruption scandals. Tudor did not disclose the source of
funding for the building, but Embassy contacts suspected
several wealthy PRM members could be bankrolling the
undertaking, including former PRM Senator Dorel Onaca, Deputy
Gelil Eserghep, and other wealthy PRM members and associates.
Nonetheless, Tudor has also expressed recently his concerns
that the PRM was no longer receiving the same level of
financial support as it had in recent years, an indicator
that some wealthy donors may be leaving the party. One
political analyst described the PRM to PolChief as a "tired
movement."


Becali and the PNG: A Rival on the Far Right
--------------

7. (C) Beginning in early 2006, Tudor and the PRM began to
face a more obvious challenge on the extreme edge of the
political spectrum from flamboyant soccer club owner Gigi
Becali. In 2004, Becali had literally purchased a political
party -- the New Generation Party (PNG) -- to use as a
platform for personal publicity and to launch a failed
presidential bid. A former sheep breeder, Becali has built
in the post-communist era a huge fortune from real estate,
which he partially reinvested in the most successful soccer
club in Romania. Reportedly worth over a billion euros,
Becali entered politics with virtually unlimited funds, as
well as name recognition among average Romanians accustomed
to seeing him on nightly sportscasts. Becali purchased the
PNG at the encouragement of senior Social Democratic Party
(PSD) member Viorel Hrebenciuc, who has repeatedly told
PolChief he supported the move as a means to weaken Tudor and
the PRM.


8. (C) In contrast to the erudite Tudor, 8Gigi8 became in
the last sixteen years the symbol of the churlish new-rich
generation, showing that no education is required to succeed
in business, life and politics. He earned a reputation for
colorful, sometimes outrageous acts, such as throwing
fistfuls of money to fans or poor people he encounters during
travels throughout the country. He was born near Braila to
Aromanian parents deported by the communists because of their
association with the Romanian Iron Guard ) a fascist
pre-second world war organization. Although Becali has not
targeted ethnic minorities in his rhetoric, his use of
legionnaire images for the PNG party as well as his strong
financial support for the Romanian Orthodox church have given
him strong and obvious nationalist credentials. In May,
Becali reportedly paid a group of supporters to disrupt
through violence a gay rights march in Bucharest. Roma
organizations assert that he has also tacitly supported the
use of anti-Roma slogans by fans and announcers at his team's
soccer matches.


9. (C) Becali's more recent surge in popularity appears to
stem from his philanthropic activities in past months. In

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response to flooding throughout the country, he has used his
own funds to construct houses for some 200 families who had
lost their homes in the deluges. Media analysts contrasted
his generosity and effectiveness with the poor record of the
government, which thus far has made slow and uneven progress
despite ambitious reconstruction plans. Becali has also
contributed significantly to the renovation of numerous
churches in the countryside. Embassy contacts also partially
credit Becali's rise to the success of his soccer team, which
won the Romanian national championship in June following a
strong showing in a European championship tournament in May.


10. (C) Whether or not Becali and Tudor compete for the same
pool of voters remains a subject of speculation. Although
there is likely some overlap, pollster Lazoriou speculated
that Becali appeals more to rural voters who respect his good
works and religious orientation. He also enjoys more a
stable following among some young voters, particularly
football fans. During the 2004 elections, Tudor and the PRM
performed best in small to medium-sized cities among lower
middle class and primarily male voters. Presidential Advisor
Claudiu Saftoiu expressed concern to PolChief that over the
long-term the outspoken Becali could present a more serious
threat to established political parties than Tudor. Saftoiu
asserted that he represents a "fresh face and his star is
clearly rising." Saftoiu down played an alleged relationship
between Becali and President Basescu, which had been reported
widely in the press.

On the Far Fringe: The &New Right8 Movement
--------------

11. (C) Although much smaller, a number of Embassy NGO
contacts, including within the Jewish community, have
expressed concern about what appears to be an increasingly
visible ultranationalist organization called "Noua Dreapta,"
translated in English as the "New Right." Founded in 2000 by
young entrepreneur Tudor Ionescu, the group has developed an
impressive website and has reportedly carried out several
campaigns on university campuses to attract dissatisfied
students. What several contacts have characterized as most
shocking is the organization's blatant use of Romanian
fascist symbols. In addition, Ionescu has founded a rock
band that performs at "New Right" rallies and has placed some
of its songs with highly nationalistic lyrics on the internet
for downloading by fans.


12. (C) In June, the "New Right" held a highly publicized
parade in central Bucharest to protest against the gay pride
march the same day. Several media analysts opined that
although the movement remains small, this had been the most
visible fascist demonstration in Romania since the fall of
communism. Lazaroiu and other contacts characterized the
"New Right" as "highly marginal" for the time being. But
they cautioned that such movements could similarly gain in
popularity with the potential rise of Becali, who pulls from
many of the same images and deep-seated political beliefs.


13. (C) Comment: Support for extreme nationalist parties has
fluctuated from between roughly ten to 20 percent in Romania
since the return of democratically elected government in

1990. The PRM has long enjoyed primacy among this segment of
the political spectrum. However, the dramatic rise in
popularity for Becali, and to a lesser degree his party,
could eventually signal an end to this PRM monopoly. The
increased visibility of the far right, as well as the
appearance of new players, comes at just the time as Romania
joins the EU. Some contacts postulate that this phenomenon
is already the result of fatigue with the EU accession
process. It also comes after a prolonged period of
heightened tensions between the two principal parties of the
ruling coalition, which in 2004 represented the clearest
option for change but now appear to be unable to present a
cohesive platform for improving the lives of average
Romanians. While some contacts view Becali and his party as
a flash movement that will soon diminish in support, even
more see him as new player who will remain on the political
scene in the years to come. Many expect the PNG to enter the
Parliament after the next elections, whenever they may be,
perhaps at the expense of a gradually declining PRM. End
Comment.
Taubman