Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
06BISHKEK1744
2006-12-12 10:57:00
UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
Embassy Bishkek
Cable title:  

A PRIMER TO POLITICAL PARTIES OF KYRGYZSTAN

Tags:  PGOV KDEM KG 
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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 BISHKEK 001744 

SIPDIS

SENSITIVE

SIPDIS

DEPARTMENT FOR SCA/CEN

E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PGOV KDEM KG
SUBJECT: A PRIMER TO POLITICAL PARTIES OF KYRGYZSTAN

Ref: Bishkek 1587

BISHKEK 00001744 001.2 OF 003


Sensitive but unclassified. Not for Internet distribution.

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 BISHKEK 001744

SIPDIS

SENSITIVE

SIPDIS

DEPARTMENT FOR SCA/CEN

E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PGOV KDEM KG
SUBJECT: A PRIMER TO POLITICAL PARTIES OF KYRGYZSTAN

Ref: Bishkek 1587

BISHKEK 00001744 001.2 OF 003


Sensitive but unclassified. Not for Internet distribution.


1. (SBU) Summary. Kyrgyzstan's new constitution envisions an
increasingly important role for political parties in the parliament
and in forming the government. Under the new constitution, half of
the 90 seats in the new parliament will be elected by party list,
and the majority party (among those elected by party list) in the
parliament will have the right to form the government and nominate
the prime minister. The term of the current parliament runs until
2010, although there is a possibility that the parliament could be
dissolved and new elections called sooner. Currently, among nearly
90 officially registered parties, only about a dozen play a
significant role. No one party is dominant, and it is doubtful that
any current party could gain a majority in parliament without
significant resources and lots of finagling. Given the altered
political landscape, parties and party leaders are beginning to
position themselves for the inevitable mergers based on compromise
and shared interests that will be necessary for their future
survival. End summary.

General overview
--------------


2. (U) According to the most recent official list, there were 88
officially registered parties among the population of five million.
The first parties that emerged following Kyrgyzstan's independence
in 1991 were the "Erkin Kyrgyzstan" (Free Kyrgyzstan) Democratic
Party and the "Asaba" (Banner) Party of National Revival. The
Communist party survived the collapse of the Soviet Union and was
registered in 1992 as the Party of Communists of Kyrgyzstan. Over
the next dozen years, there was steady growth in the number of
parties, with one to three parties established each year. Following
the "Tulip Revolution" in March 2005, there was a real boom, as the
number of parties almost doubled. Many of these parties, however,
exist on paper only. According to the law on political parties, a
minimum of 10 people can launch a new party. It became rather
popular among prominent political figures to have their own party,
which, quite often, consists just of family members and close
friends.


3. (SBU) The large number of political parties does not necessarily

mean that there is wide political pluralism. Out of almost 90
parties, only a dozen determine, to varying degrees, the political
landscape of Kyrgyzstan. Practically all parties have democratic
development as the key element of their platforms. They differ by
the degree of popularity of the leader, quantity and "quality" of
members, efficiency of party management and administration, and
resources. None of the parties is a truly national party.


4. (SBU) Below is a snapshot of currently active parties, with a
breakdown based on their present political orientation, arranged in
chronologic order (year of establishment and leader name is given in
brackets):

Pro-Government:

-- The Democratic Movement of Kyrgyzstan party (1993; Viktor
Tchetrnomorets): This party was very popular in the 1990s, but now
has limited support; it is used by the government when it needs a
demonstration of "popular support" for the government.

-- The "Erkindik" (Freedom) party (2000; Topchubek Turgunaliyev,
father-in-law of deceased mobster Ryspek Akmatbayev): This party
often publicly expresses support for the government, but its efforts
almost always have a negative effect because of the poor reputation
of its leader.

-- The Republican Party of Labor and Unity (2005; Tabaldy
Orozaliyev): Many party members are wealthy people and/or
government officials; recently, this party proposed a long-term

BISHKEK 00001744 002.2 OF 003


economic development program known as the "Five Passes," which
President Bakiyev strongly supported, even though it was widely
known that at the time the prime minister's office was developing a
competing economic strategy; potentially, this party can be highly
competitive because it has substantial human and financial resources
and is very likely to get a lot of support from the government.

-- The "Sanjira" (Tree of Life) party (2006; Ednan Karabayev): One
of the new parties that is used by the government as a think-tank;
currently, its potential to win elections is low.

-- The "Sodrujestvo" party (2006; Vladimir Nifadyev and Samat
Borubayev): This is a new party that has many representatives of
academia and business circles in its ranks; it openly pushes a
pro-Russia and defense of ethnic Russians platform; the Russian
Ambassador presided at its March 2006 opening, and it is said to
receive funding from Russia; potential to win elections is low.

Opposition:

-- The "Asaba" (Banner) party (1991; Deputy Azimbek Beknazarov and
former Foreign Minister Roza Otunbayeva): This party has more
support in the south than in the north; many people, especially in
the north, do not support this party because of its nationalistic
views, its recent unpopular stand regarding stripping the Russian
language of its official status, and the perception that its current
leaders are controversial.

-- The "Ata-Meken" (Fatherland) Party (1992; Deputy Omurbek
Tekebayev): This is one of the oldest parties, which has offices
throughout the country; it actively participated in the "Tulip
Revolution" and in rallies in the spring and fall of 2006; however,
the open opposition stance of its leadership is not always supported
by party members with more moderate views, which could undermine the
party's strength before an election.

-- The Social Democratic Party (1994; former Industry and Trade
Minister Almaz Atambayev): This party has a long history and a lot
of experience; it actively participated in the "Tulip Revolution"
and in rallies in the spring and fall of 2006; its leader owns
several businesses and can easily recruit human and financial
resources to support his party; it is doubtful however that the
party will gain the required majority.

Independent:

-- The Party of Communists of Kyrgyzstan (1992; Deputy Iskhak
Masaliyev, son of former party boss who ran Kyrgyzstan for six years
during the Soviet Union time): Even though as late as 2000 this
party was able to gain one-third of the party list seats in the
lower house of the former parliament (5 out of 15 seats),its
popularity has been in steady decline. The party suffered a split
in its ranks, and perhaps communist ideas have become less and less
attractive. In addition, the bulk of its membership consists of
elderly people; young people are not rushing to join this party.

-- The "Moya Strana" (My Country) Party (1998; led by Deputy Head of
Presidential Staff Medet Sadyrkulov; previous leader - Joomart
Otorbayev): There are quite a few bright personalities in its ranks
(deputy chief of presidential staff Medet Sadyrkulov, law professor
and political expert Zainidin Kurmanov); it has a carefully thought
out program, though its agenda appears aimed more to intelligentsia,
rather than to the workers and farmers who are the majority of the
electorate. The party participated in opposition rallies in spring
of 2006, but stayed away from the November protests; however, it
made several official statements denouncing harassment of
independent media and arranging counter-demonstrations; in the
statement, the party urged both the government and the opposition to
sit down to the negotiations table. By the end of the year, the
party will elect its new leader and, depending on who this is, the
party's stand may change to pro-government.


BISHKEK 00001744 003.2 OF 003


-- The "Arnamyz" (Dignity) party (1999; Emil Aliyev): After losing
(at least temporarily) its charismatic leader, Felix Kulov, who
suspended his membership for the period of his term as prime
minister, this party has become less popular, its role has become
less conspicuous in the political arena, and the party has
experienced internal fighting for power.


-- The Union of Democratic Forces (2005; Deputy Kubatbek Baibolov,
former KGB official): This is a fairly new party established in
2005; its leader is a wealthy businessman, a strong personality, and
a good organizer. He is an ambitious politician, and if he puts all
these qualities to work and if the party establishes its network
throughout the country, this party may become a strong competitor at
the next election, but probably will still not be strong enough to
win a majority of the seats.

United we stand, divided we fall . . .
--------------


5. (U) According to the new constitution, half of the 90 deputies
will be elected by party lists; the party that gets over 50% of
seats to which deputies are elected from party lists (i.e., at least
23 deputies),nominates the prime minister and forms the government.
This provision will encourage political party development and boost
competition for votes at the next election.


6. (U) Modern Kyrgyz history already has experienced one election by
party lists. According to the laws that existed in 2000, a quarter
of 60 deputies of the lower chamber of the then bi-cameral
parliament was elected from party lists. In 2000, there were 28
political parties, but only 15 of them were qualified to nominate
candidates. Five out of the 15 parties formed two electoral blocs.
The following parties (that remain politically active) exceeded the
required 5-percent threshold and received a pro-rated number of
seats: the Party of Communists of Kyrgyzstan, the "Ata-Meken"
Party, the My Country party, and the Social Democratic Party (as a
part of a bloc). In 2003, the constitution was amended; as a
result, the parliament became unicameral and the provision allowing
election by party lists was eliminated. In the current parliament
elected in 2005, there are deputies affiliated with some political
parties, but they were elected from constituencies, not as party
candidates.


7. (SBU) The new constitution sets a high threshold for political
parties to play the key role in forming the government. Looking at
the current political landscape, it seems unlikely that any single
party could secure a majority to become the ruling party. Since the
constitution does not provide for party blocs, mergers will be
necessary. Political parties will have to assess realistically
their potential, and vanity parties with limited membership will
have to curb their ambitions and seek compromise with politicians
sharing the same or similar views. If such a pragmatic approach
prevails, in the next couple years -- or sooner -- we will witness
the formation of political alliances and mergers of parties with
similar platforms.

YOVANOVITCH