FRENCH DISCUSS UN REFORM ISSUES WITH NEWT GINGRICH

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 PARIS 004152

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E.O. 12958: DECL: 06/14/2015
TAGS: PREL AORC PHUM FR UNSC
SUBJECT: FRENCH DISCUSS UN REFORM ISSUES WITH NEWT GINGRICH

REF: STATE 85180

Classified By: Charge d'Affaires Alex Wolff for reason 1.4 (b/d).


1. (C) SUMMARY: Former House Speaker Gingrich's May
31-June 1 visit to France, in his capacity as Co-Chair of the
U.S. Institute for Peace's Task Force on the UN, offered an
opportunity for GOF officials to provide views on UN reform
issues. On the issue of Security Council enlargement, the
French indicated clear support for the G4 countries along
with additional increases in both the Council's permanent
(including a seat for Africa) and non-permanent membership.
The French expressed general support for other necessary UN
reforms and emphasized the importance of development
assistance as a UN activity. END SUMMARY.


2. (U) Former House Speaker Newt Gingrich visited Paris May
31-June 1 as Co-Chair of the United States Institute for
Peace's (USIP) Task Force on the United Nations (reftel),
meeting with Foreign Minister Barnier, MFA A/S-equivalent for
IO Affairs Jean-Maurice Ripert, and members of the National
Assembly's Foreign Affairs Committee (chaired by former PM
Edouard Balladur). USIP Staff Member Heather Sensibaugh and
Embassy notetakers attended the three meetings, with Callista
Gingrich attending the Ripert and National Assembly sessions
and Charge Wolff participating in the Barnier meeting.

Meeting with FM Barnier (June 1)
--------------

3. (C) FM Barnier opened the meeting by noting that the
government was in a state of suspension while awaiting news
of the cabinet reshuffle. (NOTE: Barnier himself was
subsequently replaced soon after the meeting with Gingrich by
new FM Douste-Blazy. END NOTE.) The May 29 French rejection
of the EU Constitution was detrimental to both the capacity
of the EU and the credibility of France, he said. Barnier
predicted that the satisfaction of the "no" camp would be
short-lived. Gingrich noted that the Bush administration's
reaction to the "no" vote had been subdued. He predicted
that it would be more difficult and time-consuming to work
with a divided EU.


4. (C) Addressing the Secretary-General's report on UN
reform, Barnier praised the effort. He expressed his belief
that the UN Environment Programme (UNEP) was useful but not
strong enough, and suggested strengthening UNEP along the
lines of the WHO.


5. (C) On enlarging the Security Council, Gingrich remarked
that the U.S. was passionate about Japan's receiving a seat,
noting that the USG would likely oppose any enlargement plan
that did not include Japan. He expressed his personal view
that including India in an enlarged Security Council would
also be necessary. Gingrich explained that the USG would be
comfortable with a larger Council able to exert greater
influence when it was able to reach a decision, but was
concerned that decision-making would be more difficult.
Gingrich said that, although the administration might not say
so, the USG was not excited about Germany's candidacy and
could not see the EU, especially after the rejection of the
Constitution in France and perhaps elsewhere in the future,
with its own seat and veto power.


6. (C) Barnier responded that the EU needed a to develop a
common policy first. He used Yugoslavia as an example from
the recent past of Europe's inability to agree on common
action and the consequent need for U.S. engagement. Barnier
acknowledged that Japan and India likely merited permanent
seats, and suggested that an African country and Brazil were
worthy additions as well. (NOTE: Barnier did not/not
mention Germany when listing countries worthy of
consideration. END NOTE.) Gingrich expressed concern that
the Spanish-speaking majority of Latin America might resent a
seat accorded to a Portuguese-speaking country (Brazil).


7. (C) On the European Union, Gingrich stated that the USG
should pay more attention to Brussels. He had advised
Secretary Rice that high-level U.S. officials should visit

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Europe more frequently to meet with EU counterparts. Barnier
agreed, and said that EU Commissioners should likewise travel
to the U.S. Brussels was vital as a place to pool European
resources, Barnier noted, and the USG should better
understand it.


8. (C) Barnier stated the need to increase support to
developing nations, noting that poverty produced frustration,
that in turn fueled terrorism. Gingrich responded that
terrorists were often well-educated and that the problem did
not seem directly linked to development. He further
commented that in many areas, establishing stability and
security was necessary before development could take place,
citing Haiti as an example. A government's behavior should
also be taken into account in deciding on development
assistance. Gingrich stated that the USG had increased its
development assistance but had received little recognition
for doing so. He said that the USG would accept the 0.7
percent target figure if both private and government funds
were considered as a whole, but would not be favorable to a
formula that included only government contributions.
Gingrich emphasized that the notion of an "international
development tax" would likewise meet with little favor in the
U.S.

Meeting with MFA IO Bureau (May 31)
--------------

9. (C) Gingrich told A/S-equivalent Ripert that USIP had
been tasked by Congress to create a Task Force, which he
co-chaired, on UN reform. He regretted that former Senator
and Task Force Co-Chair George Mitchell had been unable to
travel after sustaining an injury to his arm. Gingrich said
that he had come to listen and asked how France saw the issue
of UN reform.


10. (C) Ripert replied that there had been several recent
reports on UN reform, including by a number of experts, by
Jeffrey Sachs, and by UNSYG Annan himself in preparation for
the High Level Event in September which, he hoped, would lead
to a declaration adopted by consensus. Ripert described the
process as complicated, with drafting being done on the basis
of work by current UNGA President Jean Ping and
representatives of the SYG touring the world to solicit
views. "We are in the middle of the process," Ripert said,
adding that the final outcome was unknown.


11. (C) For France, Ripert continued, UN reform was very
important. France believed in the need for a strong UN,
especially to address peace and security issues. Ripert
noted that despite problems, the UNSC had not failed.
However, there was a need for reform in order to transform UN
institutions. Some work had begun on reform of DPKO, the UN
Secretariat, and revitalization of UNGA. There was agreement

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among the Geneva group to streamline UN bodies to create
efficiency and savings and to better implement their mandates.


12. (C) On Security Council reform, Ripert said that the
Council should be enlarged with respect to both permanent and
non-permanent members. The Council had to be efficient and
able to respond to international crises, but also needed more
legitimacy by adding countries representing other regions and
emerging powers. France was committed to supporting the G4
(Japan, Germany, India and Brazil) as well as one or two
African countries, probably including South Africa, for
permanent membership. France also supported adding
additional non-permanent members. Ripert said that France
wanted the enlargement to respect the existing P5
prerogatives, adding that P5 veto rights would not be
questioned.


13. (C) Ripert acknowledged that an increase from 15 to 25
UNSC members was "too much" for the USG, but stressed that a
group of 25, with 11 permanent members, would have a
legitimacy that could not be questioned. Ripert continued
that enlargement was not enough; the Council would also have
to change its practices and reach out to non-members. The
difference between permanent and non-permanent members was
too great, he said.


14. (C) Ripert said that France favored the establishment
of a peacebuilding commission to enable the UN to deal with
crises as they arose and to avoid having to return to
countries, as had been done in Liberia and Haiti. Ripert
addressed the emerging importance of human rights and
humanitarian issues. Citing the example of Darfur, Ripert
stated that the crisis there was humanitarian rather than a
peace and security issue. These types of crises, he said,
were very difficult. Clearly the UN could not intervene
"every five minutes." Action against states committing human
rights or humanitarian abuses might also be vetoed by some
UNSC members. Ripert said that on a voluntary basis, France
was prepared not to veto resolutions on genocide and war
crimes, something which would be difficult for some (e.g.,
Russia with respect to Kosovo).


15. (C) Ripert said that the September High Level Event
should focus on the Millennium Development Goals and not be
overshadowed by reform issues. He acknowledged the
difference with the USG over the 0.7 per cent of GDP target
for development assistance and the proposal for a small tax
on air tickets. Gingrich interjected that the proposed air
ticket levy would provoke an extremely negative reaction in
the U.S.


16. (C) Ripert concluded that the basis of UN reform should
be to create order and common rules. ECOSOC, he said was not
functioning well, describing it as a "joke." Ripert
envisioned a grouping, including the G8, WTO, UN, IFIs, OECD,
and about 20 emerging and less developed nations, meeting in
a group of about 35 at the political director level.
Gingrich replied that there were three parts of the world
which were not developing: the Middle East, sub-Saharan
Africa, and Latin America (which had spells of growth,
followed by decline). He said that Ripert's vision was fine,
but that the group would have to be tough minded in
addressing why these regions were failing. Otherwise, it
would become a talking shop demanding the transfer of wealth.


17. (C) Ripert said that France also favored a universal UN
environmental organization to address issues currently dealt
with by 500 conventions and autonomous secretariats all over
the world. He envisioned an environmental body similar to
WIPO, having a small secretariat. Gingrich said that this
was a good idea and that he would be interested in hearing
more on France's thoughts in this regard.


18. (C) On the CHR, Ripert said that human rights was the
core business of the UN. Human rights violations had an
effect on peace and security. While France agreed with the
U.S. that the CHR was not working, France did not share our
view on the solution. Ripert said that there were no
universally shared values, and thus there should be an
inclusive approach which did not exclude those who did not
completely share western values. Ripert said that a UN human
rights body should be linked to the UNGA.


19. (C) MFA Strategic Affairs Director Carre stated that
the UN remained relevant, and that he was encouraged that the
UN was addressing the challenges of proliferation and
terrorism. He noted that on proliferation issues, the debate
had taken on a North/South flavor with some viewing the arms
control conventions as being imposed by the North on the
South. While there was a growing awareness that WMD were not
legitimate for defensive purposes, he anticipated a long
fight on this issue. On terrorism, he was encouraged by a
recent UN panel report. Noting the desire by some,
specifically the Palestinians, to exclude "freedom fighters,"
Carre said that he hoped that the principle that violence was
not legitimate in any circumstances would be extended beyond
states to non-state actors. It would be very important, he
said, if the High Level Event could agree that the use of
force against civilians was not condoned.


20. (C) On UNSC reform, Gingrich said that his personal
view was that, in addition to Japan, India should become a
permanent member. He was dubious about Germany and Brazil.
Gingrich said that the Oil-For-Food program, sexual
misconduct by peacekeepers, and the failure to protect
civilians in Srebrenica had contributed to the climate of
outrage regarding the UN in some quarters in the U.S.,
including among those who were not habitually anti-UN, but
who were outraged at the UN's poor performance. On OFF,
Ripert noted that France had opened its files to the Volcker
commission, which had extended its stay in Paris from two
days to a week. No other P5 country had done so, he
commented.

Meeting at National Assembly (June 1)
--------------

21. (C) Former PM Balladur, chairman of the National
Assembly's Foreign Affairs Committee, led a group of
Committee members in the discussion with Gingrich. After
explaining the composition and mandate of the USIP Task
Force, Gingrich noted that the UN played an important global
role, but required important and major reforms. He
acknowledged that some changes in the Security Council were
probably necessary, but that it was essential that the
Council become more effective and avoid the kinds of problems
plaguing the General Assembly. Gingrich emphasized that it
was essential that the UN be able to respond quickly when
criminal regimes violated rights and killed people. When
possible, the Security Council should act against these
regimes, but when not possible, regional or ad hoc coalitions
should be formed and allowed to operate so as to avoid
situations where "innocents die as the Council talks."
Balladur stressed that the main question was the UN,s role
in peacekeeping. If this role were acknowledged, he
continued, then it was clear that this was an issue for the
Security Council, not the General Assembly. Balladur
believed that problems arose when the UNSC could not or would
not get involved in a crisis. He questioned the
circumstances in which states or regional coalitions could
intervene independently, citing the 2003 invasion of Iraq.


22. (C) Gingrich indicated that the Monterrey agreement on
development issues had moved towards recognizing that poor
countries must meet certain conditions before receiving
assistance. He also stressed that the 0.7 per cent target
figure for development assistance should include
non-government contributions, as voluntary resources in
addition to those given by a government were a better measure
of a country's actual contribution.


23. (C) Further explaining the Task Force,s position on
Security Council enlargement, Gingrich noted that France's
rejection of the EU Constitution rendered moot any talk of an
EU seat in the near term and might also weaken Germany's case
for a seat. As the UN's second largest contributor and the
world's second largest economy, Japan must have
representation in some form, Gingrich noted, stressing that
the USG would likely not accept enlargement that excluded
Japan. Gingrich questioned whether a third European country
merited a permanent seat, and whether it was appropriate for
Brazil, as a Portuguese-speaking country, to represent
largely Spanish-speaking Latin America. He commented that
countries possessing vetoes were hesitant to share this
power, and asked if the French supported veto power for new
permanent members. Balladur emphasized that France supported
enlarging the Security Council to reflect the realities of
the modern world, and stated that the issue was whether new
permanent members could be viewed as true permanent members
if they did not have veto power. Expressing his personal,
Balladur believed that new members should have the veto,
which would validate their status as real "permanent members."


24. (U) The USIP delegation has not had an opportunity to
clear this message.
WOLFF