SURINAME POLITICAL PARTY SNAPSHOT: PALU: THE

UNCLAS PARAMARIBO 000203

SIPDIS


DEPT FOR WHA/CAR -- MSEIBEL

E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PGOV ECON NS
SUBJECT: SURINAME POLITICAL PARTY SNAPSHOT: PALU: THE
"TAINTED" PARTY

REF: 01 PARAMARIBO 866

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SUMMARY
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1. Established in 1977, the Progressive Workers and Farmers
Union (PALU) is yet another marginal party trying to escape
extinction in Suriname's crowded political scene. Under the
leadership of party leader Iwan Krolis, the mostly Creole
party of 1,000 members uses its single National Assembly
seat to advocate the development of the country's
agricultural and logging sectors. The party's greatest
obstacle to political power is concern about the party since
it was the sole political party willing to form a civilian
government with the military regime immediately after the
latter murdered 15 prominent opposition leaders in December

1982. Many Surinamers believe that PALU supported the
murders and/or took advantage of the tragedy to gain
political power. In its defense, PALU claims that the party
felt compelled to re-introduce democracy to Suriname, a
responsibility no other party wanted to take on after the
murders. Even if voters looked past the party's ties to the
military regime, the party faces an uphill battle as its one
electoral district, Suriname's smallest, is expected to
become a fierce battleground in the upcoming 2005 elections.
End Summary.

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PARTY OVERVIEW
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2. With its single National Assembly seat (out of the
country's 51 seats),the Progressive Workers and Farmers
Union (PALU),comprised of neo-socialist intellectuals, is
yet another marginalized party in Suriname that is
struggling to stay alive. Led since its 1977 founding by
party chairman Iwan Krolis, the predominantly Creole
opposition party of 1,000 members maintains a low-profile
while promoting a limited platform: development of the
country's agricultural and, to a lesser extent, logging
sectors.


3. During a recent conversation with the Embassy, Krolis
elaborated on the party's aims, voicing support for
additional government incentives to stimulate the
agricultural sector (i.e., by providing cheap loans and
subsidies for inputs like fertilizer and equipment.) In
addition, Krolis, who is also head of the Foundation for
Forest Management (SBB),advocated sustainable forestry
through granting full authority to the SBB to permit the
country to more effectively exploit its rich timber
resources.

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PALU TAINTED BY TIES TO BOUTERSE"S REGIME
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4. Krolis cited PALU's involvement in the early 1980s with
the military regime as the greatest obstacle to broader
political support. In the party's early years, PALU
remained a small, marginalized party. With the military's
rise to power, Embassy sources say, the PALU saw an
opportunity to gain entry to the government by supporting
the military regime. By 1982, Surinamers began to clamor
for the military to fulfill its 1980 pledge to return the
country to civilian rule. In support of the military
regime, PALU members tried to dampen those demands by
warning the more vocal government critics that there might
be dire consequences of openly opposing the regime.


5. After the December 1982 military regime's murder of 15
government opponents, PALU joined the military regime (in
February 1983) in a coalition government leading many to
conclude that PALU was at least morally complicit in the
murders. PALU party leaders Iwan Krolis and Errol Alibux
are included in the official list of December 1982 murder
suspects; the investigation into the murders is still
ongoing.


6. Alibux served as prime minister in the coalition
government from February 1983 to January 1984. (Note:
Alibux later joined military strongman Desi Boauterse's NDP
political party in 1997, serving as Minister of Natural
Resources and Finance under the Wijdenbosch Administration.
Alibux was convicted of corruption in November 2003. End
Note.) The military-PALU coalition government was short
lived. PALU was ousted in January 1984 in the wake of labor
strikes protesting a tax hike to raise revenue after the
Netherlands ceased making payments to Suriname as stipulated
in the 1975 treaty granting Suriname its independence and


3.5 billion Dutch guilders (1.75 billion USD) in development
assistance.

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KROLIS RESPONDS TO HIS CRITICS
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7. In his conversation with the Embassy, Krolis vigorously
denied critics' charges that PALU had encouraged the
military regime to violently quell the rising opposition.
Krolis insisted that the party had only warned the public
about possible drastic actions by the military prior to the
tragedy. In PALU's defense, Krolis insisted that the party
did not sanction the murders nor did it take advantage of
the tragedy to gain political power. He maintained that the
party only formed a civilian government with the military
regime to help re-introduce democracy to Suriname since
there were no other parties willing to step up to the plate
to fulfill this important function in the wake of the
murders.


8. Krolis claimed that while in office, PALU worked
diligently to convince the military to work with civilians
to unite the country. These efforts, he said, culminated in
PALU's organization of the February 25, 1983, reconciliation
day, "Brasa Dee," to bring supporters and opponents of the
military together. Critics, however, dismissed the one-time
event as a largely symbolic gesture that did little to calm
the fears civilians harbored toward the military. Referring
to the party's 1984 ouster, Krolis portrayed the party as a
victim of the military regime. Despite its removal from
power, PALU continued to strive for the country's political
and economic development. Its work on preliminary
discussions between the military regime and rebels who waged
the 1987-1992 Interior War, Krolis claimed, contributed to
the 1992 Accord for National Reconciliation and Development.
(Note: Embassy sources dispute Krolis' version of the PALU's
involvement in negotiating the 1992 Accord, maintaining that
PALU made no contribution to the agreement. End Note.)

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LOOKING AHEAD TO THE 2005 ELECTIONS
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9. With its questionable ties to the Bouterse regime, as
well as its limited mandate, its small size, and its lack of
financial resources, PALU faces an uphill battle in the
upcoming 2005 elections. In the 2000 elections, PALU
captured one of two seats in Coronie, Suriname's smallest
electoral district, a rural district populated mostly by
Creoles and Javanese. In 2000, the PALU realized that with
only 300 votes needed to win one of Cornonie's two seats,
the major political parties had ignored this potentially
influential district. PALU focused its meager campaign
funds on this small rural district, promoting its
agricultural platform, easily winning its single National
Assembly seat. In the upcoming 2005 elections, however,
other political parties have realized the error of their
ways and have already begun actively courting Coronie's
voters. PALU will likely have to double its efforts if it
is to retain its only National Assembly seat.


10. Regarding the party's strategy for the 2005 elections,
PALU National Assembly member Anton Paal told the Embassy
that the party will adhere to the game plan it followed in
the 2000 elections -- it will field candidates in the three
districts where the party's power base is located
(Paramaribo, Wanica, and Coronie). He said that the party
would like to field candidates in more, if not all, of the
country's ten districts but is unable to do so due to
financial constraints. At this time, there are no plans for
PALU to enter into a coalition with other political parties,
but Paal hinted that the party would consider teaming up
with a partner, including Bouterse's National Democratic
Party (NDP),if asked.

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COMMENT
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11. PALU remains a party haunted by its past. Although the
December 1982 murders took place over two decades ago, many
Surinamers direct some of their anger over the murders at
PALU, while, ironically, former military strongman Desi
Bouterse and his supporters enjoy significant support -- so
much so that they are the largest opposition group in
Suriname. For now, PALU's main hurdle is surviving the 2005
elections; it faces an uphill battle as it tries to hold on
to its one National Assembly seat in Coronie, which is
expected to become a major electoral battleground in the
2005 elections. Failure to win a seat increases the


likelihood that much-maligned PALU will wither away. End
Comment.

FAUCHER


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