Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
04ABUJA1307
2004-07-28 13:18:00
CONFIDENTIAL
Embassy Abuja
Cable title:  

UNDERLYING THE PLATEAU CONFLICT: WE'RE INDIGENES,

Tags:  PHUM PGOV PREL ASEC NI 
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This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 ABUJA 001307 

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 07/28/2014
TAGS: PHUM PGOV PREL ASEC NI
SUBJECT: UNDERLYING THE PLATEAU CONFLICT: WE'RE INDIGENES,
BUT YOU'RE SETTLERS

REF: A. ABUJA 1277

B. ABUJA 1278

C. ABUJA 1279

D. 2002 ABUJA 1397

Classified By: AMBASSADOR JOHN CAMPBELL FOR REASONS 1.5 (B) AND (D).

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 ABUJA 001307

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 07/28/2014
TAGS: PHUM PGOV PREL ASEC NI
SUBJECT: UNDERLYING THE PLATEAU CONFLICT: WE'RE INDIGENES,
BUT YOU'RE SETTLERS

REF: A. ABUJA 1277

B. ABUJA 1278

C. ABUJA 1279

D. 2002 ABUJA 1397

Classified By: AMBASSADOR JOHN CAMPBELL FOR REASONS 1.5 (B) AND (D).


1. (C) Summary. The communal crises in Nigeria, and
particularly those in Plateau State, are much more
complicated that mere ethno-religious violence: they can be
traced to power struggles between "indigenes" (mostly
Christian in Plateau State) and "settlers" (mostly Muslim
Hausa/Fulani). Until the indigene-settler issue is resolved,
tension is likely to remain high in Plateau State and
throughout the country. This is the fourth of four Plateau
State cables. End Summary.

-------------- --------------
Fanning the Flames: the Indigene-Settler Struggle
-------------- --------------


2. (U) Far from being strictly religious or ethnic as
reported by some international media, communal crises
throughout Nigeria are much more complex and problematic.
The communal crisis in Plateau can be traced to a fierce
power struggle between "indigenes" and "settlers." In the
Nigerian context, an indigene is defined as anyone whose
ancestors lived in the area. Settlers, as the name implies,
are the late-comers. There is no firm agreement on the
starting date for determining which is which, leading to much
confusion. In Plateau State, ancient history indicates that
all groups are settlers. Several hundred years ago, some
groups began moving in, but the process was an ongoing one
and continues today. While most claim that the Hausa/Fulani
are "recent" arrivals, they have been present in Plateau
State for at least 200 years and probably longer.


3. (U) The most recent conflict started in Jos in 2001 over
the appointment of a "settler" by the GON to serve as the
State coordinator for the government-funded poverty
eradication program. Although the "indigenes" vehemently
opposed the appointment, the Presidency refused to bow to
their pressure, insisting that every Nigerian born and raised
in any part of Nigeria can serve in any position. About 2000
people died during the resulting riots on September 7, 2001.

The conflict later engulfed Wase, Lantang, Kanam, Shendam and
Yelwa-Shendam.


4. (SBU) Until the Nigerian leaders properly address this
issue, it will continue to constitute a spanner in the works
of unity among Nigerians. It polarizes people and evokes
deep emotions among different ethnic groups that have lived
peacefully for many decades. Politicians exploit these
divisions to advance their short term or selfish goals or
maintain their hold on power. During elections, every group
perfects its strategies to outwit the other, employing ethnic
and religious cards to ensure victory. In the current
political environment, this trend will likely continue, and
perhaps worsen, without serious intervention by government at
all levels, supported by the major ethnic interest groups
such as the Arewa Consultative Forum, Ohaneze, and Afenifere.



5. (U) Some efforts are being made, but they are isolated
and ineffective. In late June, Vice President Atiku
Abubakar, while receiving a delegation from the Igbo Business
Community residing in Lagos, described the contentious issue
of "indigeneship/settlership" as unconstitutional, dangerous
and divisive to the unity of Nigeria. "There are two words
not in our law books or constitution and these words are
settlers and indigenes. This government, therefore, is not
prepared to promote that dichotomy in the country. We will
employ all constitutional means to make sure every Nigerian
feels secure at any place he decides to reside. That is what
makes a country great and developed," Atiku stated while
thanking the Igbo for contributing to the unity and economic
development of Nigeria.


6. (C) President Obasanjo himself has repeatedly maintained
that the constitution recognizes only Nigerian citizenship.
However, both "settlers" and "indigenes" have blamed the
constitution for recognizing both "citizenship" and
"indigeneship" in the appointment of sensitive positions.
For instance, Hausa/Fulani complained in Jos that certain
government jobs required citizens to produce a certificate of
origin from the local government (LG). "Whenever our people
go to the office of the LG Chairman, he would deny them the
certificate on the pretext that there is no indigenous
Hausa/Fulani community in Jos," Yaya Abubakar, a retired
Muslim community leader averred. Others, such as the Emir of
Dutse, have been vocal in asserting that any member of the
community with only 3-5 years residence should be considered
as "indigenes."


7. (U) NOTE: There are only two references to indigeneship
in the 1999 Constitution. One is in section 147(3): "...the
President shall appoint at least one Minister from each
State, who shall be an indigene of such State." The other is
in section 318(1),defining terms: "'belong to' or its
grammatical expression when used with reference to a person
in a state refers to a person either or whose parents or any
of whose grand parents was a member of a community indigenous
to that state." End NOTE.

--------------
Popular Definition of Indigenes and Settlers
--------------


8. (SBU) In Plateau State, the term "indigenes" is normally
used to describe the non-Hausa/Fulani ethnic groups found
scattered all over the State. They are predominantly
Christians and animists, and on the basis of their
indigeneship, they lay claims to all land, political power,
and traditional authority. Often the "indigenes" consider
Hausa/Fulani to be "settlers" whose ancestry had its roots
not in Plateau but in other parts of the North like Kano and
Sokoto.


9. (SBU) The term "settlers" is generally used for
Hausa/Fulani, mostly found in urban centers. There are two
types of Fulani: settled and nomadic. The settled Fulani
are found in towns and cities living together with Hausa, who
are mostly traders and artisans, while the nomadic Fulani are
mobile, found in rural and remote villages guiding their
flocks of cattle in search of greener pastures. Although
Hausa and Fulani are separate and distinct ethnic groups,
speaking languages as different as English and French, the
two are lumped together by most observers because they share
similar cultural and religious affinities.

--------------
Herein Lies the Rub
--------------


10. (C) The Hausa/Fulani own property and control commercial
activities of Jos, Wase, Yelwa-Shendam and a host of other
Plateau State towns. Their numerical strength, coupled with
their economic power, has set them on a collision course with
their indigenous neighbors over political leadership. As
former Nigerian Ambassador to Switzerland Yahaya Kwande
observed, "Their level of comfort in the society has drawn a
lot of jealousy from the indigenous tribes." Kwande
explained that western education provided by Christian
missionaries in the mid-20th century had liberated the
indigenous community, hitherto regarded as primitive and
uncivilized: most of them had practiced nudity and eked out
a living by subsistence farming, or working as household help
to the Hausa/Fulani community. He suggested that elites from
the indigenous tribes now use that historical relationship to
blame the "settlers" for every problem the indigenous
community faces.


11. (C) Historically, the Hausa/Fulani "settlers" have lived
in Plateau State for over 100 years. They claimed that their
grandfathers actually founded and developed these areas,
arguing further that when their ancestors settled in these
areas, the place was a virgin land and the so-called
"indigenes" lived outside these areas. The "settlers" said
that Jos was initially a territory under the control of Emir
of Bauchi, a neighboring Fulani Emir and flag bearer of
Sokoto Caliphate. According to Alhaji Saleh Hassan,
spokesman for the Hausa/Fulani community and former National
Chairman of the defunct Democratic Party of Nigeria (DBN),
all the previous traditional rulers of Jos were Hausa/Fulani
bearing the title of "Sarkin Jos" (Emir of Jos) until 1947,
when the colonial authorities appointed "Gbong Gwom of Birom"
(Chief of Birom) before eventually changing it to "Gbong Gwom
of Jos." The change in title, explained Hassan, demonstrated
that current claims by "indigenes" were built on a flimsy
foundation: an arbitrary political decision made during
colonial times.

--------------
Comment
--------------


12. (C) Although media reports typically characterize
communal violence with words like "political," "ethnic,"
"economic," or "religious," the reality is that the complex
indigene-settler issue is the foundation of the problems in
Plateau State. Casual observers may find it easier to apply
familiar labels to the violence, but in order to understand
the depth of the conflict, it is crucial to try to fathom the
murky depths of the indigene-settler problem. Solving the
problem will take continued efforts to revive Nigeria's
adherence to the rule-of-law and regularize property rights
and access to social services.
CAMPBELL