Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
03ANKARA808
2003-01-31 14:06:00
CONFIDENTIAL
Embassy Ankara
Cable title:  

TURKEY: ARINC FLEXING PARLIAMENT'S MUSCLES

Tags:  PGOV PREL PINS TU 
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This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 ANKARA 000808 

SIPDIS


CENTCOM AND EUCOM: PLEASE PASS TO POLAD AND J-5


E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/02/2013
TAGS: PGOV PREL PINS TU
SUBJECT: TURKEY: ARINC FLEXING PARLIAMENT'S MUSCLES


REF: A. ANKARA 8252

B. ANKARA 7682

C. ANKARA 8873


(U) Classified by PolCouns John Kunstadter. Reason: 1.5(b)(d)


C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 ANKARA 000808

SIPDIS


CENTCOM AND EUCOM: PLEASE PASS TO POLAD AND J-5


E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/02/2013
TAGS: PGOV PREL PINS TU
SUBJECT: TURKEY: ARINC FLEXING PARLIAMENT'S MUSCLES


REF: A. ANKARA 8252

B. ANKARA 7682

C. ANKARA 8873


(U) Classified by PolCouns John Kunstadter. Reason: 1.5(b)(d)



1. (C) Summary: The growing popular desire in Turkey for
comprehensive, systemic change and a more open society gives
Parliament, under leadership of AK Party heavyweight Bulent
Arinc, room to assert itself and its constitutional
prerogatives. In principle the process should be a boon to
democratization. At the same time, partly owing to the
inexperience of the large majority of M.P.'s, it is likely to
promote strains among leading AK figures and complicate GOT
decision making. End summary.


--------------
The Old Paradigm
--------------



2. (C) As in western parliamentary democracies, Turkey's
Parliament has the formal power to make law and declare war.
Nevertheless, parliamentary primacy in Ankara has long been
figurative. Real power traditionally has been exercised
largely through a network of enduring, if informal,
arrangements and relationships so ubiquitous as to confound
the formal governing process. Indeed, historically, Turkey's
Kemalist state apparatus, laws that perpetuate a top-down
political party structure, and the natural Turkish cultural
tendency toward authoritarianism all too often have vitiated
not only the role of Parliament but the power of elected
civilians to make decisions on national security and other
policy issues (refs A, B).


--------------
AK's Rise -- and Parliament's?
--------------



3. (C) The growing popular desire for comprehensive, systemic
change and a more open society -- reflected both in
widespread support for EU membership and the landslide Nov. 3
election victory of the Justice and Development (AK) Party --
opens the way for Parliament to reassert its constitutional
prerogatives. AK came to power not only as the first
single-party government in 15 years. Replacing the
fragmented legislatures of previous years, AK controls an
overwhelming parliamentary majority of 362 (of 550)
legislative seats, just short of a majority sufficient to
amend the constitution and far outstripping the opposition

pro-Establishment Republican People's Party (CHP),with 177
seats. Numerous AK contacts have described to us their
intentions of promoting Parliament as an "independent" actor
and as the ultimate repository of the national will.


--------------
The Arinc Factor
--------------



4. (C) The most vigorous proponent of Parliament's primacy is
its ambitious Speaker, Bulent Arinc. An AK heavyweight,
Arinc was not the choice of either AK Chairman Erdogan or
P.M. Gul, who preferred more nondescript and
non-confrontational figures for the job. Rather than
allowing himself to be bypassed, however, Arinc muscled his
way into the post by promoting his own candidacy and drawing
on his own considerable support among the AK grassroots and
more ideological elements of the Parliamentary Group. While
Erdogan, Gul, and Arinc profess to be working together -- and
share the same overall commitment to AK policy goals -- the
manner of Arinc's election as Parliament President has
established him as a force to be reckoned with. AK
Parliamentary Group leaders assert to us that as Speaker,
Arinc has left day-to-day AK affairs behind him.
Nevertheless, they laud him both as a comrade and as a
promoter of Parliament's interests and responsibilities.



5. (C) Arinc is rhetorically reaffirming the Speaker's
traditional role above the fray of partisan politics, partly
to demonstrate his independence from Erdogan and Gul. Even
so, he is using his position as a bully pulpit to promote his
ideological and personal power interests in ways that have
generated considerable controversy.


-- Shortly after assuming office, Arinc took the highly
symbolic step of having his headscarf-clad wife join him to
see off President Sezer on a mid-November trip abroad,
prompting mainstream criticism of Arinc and AK for allegedly
promoting an "anti-secularist" agenda and bringing to the
fore ideological issues that Erdogan and Gul had hoped to
downplay early on (ref C). With Sezer out of town, Arinc
received Speaker Hastert in the Presidential Palace,
emphasizing his role as "Acting President."


-- Arinc has publicly offered the cryptic comment that he
"will not support the mistakes of Erdogan," a criticism
apparently designed to show the voters that he (unlike P.M.
Gul) is not beholden to the AK Chairman. Arinc's January
visit to northern Cyprus, according to several contacts, was
not coordinated with either Erdogan or the Gul government.
Arinc is now expressing support for "TRNC President" Denktas
even as AK and Erdogan publicly take Denktas, his cronies,
and the Turkish Establishment to task for promoting
corruption on the island and foot-dragging in the UN Cyprus
talks.


--------------
Comment
--------------



6. (C) The effort by the Arinc-led Parliament to assert
itself is likely to have considerable impact on USG equities
here. A stronger Parliament would be a boon for
democratization, and could help break down the life-and-death
control of party leaders over their subordinates -- a
process, already underway in AK, which accounts in part for
AK's "multi-headed" government (septel). A more assertive
Parliament will help redress the perceived imbalance between
the State -- unelected bureaucrats and others long accustomed
to wielding nearly independent power -- and elected civilians
by promoting responsibility and accountability in the
political class. However, the new Parliament is full of
inexperienced legislators whose ability to handle the rigors
of legislative action is questionable. And to the extent the
current Parliament breaks with the rubber-stamp practices
traditionally associated with Turkish legislative activity,
it will also promote strains among AK's leading figures --
particularly Erdogan, Arinc, and Gul -- and thus complicate
GOT decision making.
PEARSON